[This is Chapter
Eleven of Murphey’s book The Emerging Crisis of Economic Displacement.]
Chapter
Eleven
THE
SPEED OF CHANGE
The speed at which the wave of change
will hit us matters to people in their personal lives. Older and middle aged people want to know
whether they will make it through their careers to retirement. Those who are younger want to know whether
and when the education and experience they have obtained will become obsolete,
how they can retrain or otherwise adapt, what will happen to them if they
can't, and in general what lies in store for them and their children. For students in school, preparing for the
future has become increasingly problematical.
The best that anybody knows to say to them is that "you had better
keep up with computers," since that seems to be the one thing that will
obviously be important for everything that is coming up. Of course, many people and many students just
hew the line of the older, established tracks, most of which still exist,
hoping to make their way in them and only partly aware that someday a changing
world will jolt them into something else.
Indeed, there is today vast opportunity in almost every area for those
who reengineer it, again and again in progressive steps, into a successively
more integrated adoption of the new technologies.
My concern for people is one of the
reasons for writing this book. But the
level of our discussion must be not so much with the plight of individuals as
with the adjustment of ideas and institutions on a societal and even a world
level. The larger, or "macro,"
scale has much to do with individuals, since only through societal
reorganization can a place be assured for them.
The forces of change will be too vast for individuals to cope with
themselves and the self-automated processes of the market will be overridden
and warped out of shape by them. As
things proceed, the fate of individuals will increasingly depend upon
developments beyond their own control.
Everybody will of necessity scramble to find a place, and many will
succeed while countless others are marginalized, but increasingly the problems
of individuals will only be soluble by restructuring on a larger scale.
Will the rate of change allow the
world time for everything to be rethought and policies and institutions to be
brought into line with the thinking that results? That's the crucial question in the context of
our discussion. It must, however, remain
a question, because specific predictions about timing aren't justifiable. There is no basis for making them; the
process of change is contingent upon far too many variables that either inhibit
or accelerate the change. It is enough
that we know that massive forces are at work and that this makes it imperative
that we start thinking in terms of them.
If we try to be more specific than that, we run the risk of
sensationalizing or hyping the issue, which isn't consistent with a reasoned
discussion. In the course of this
chapter I will tell of some authors' estimates of how much time certain things
will take, but out of respect to them we should realize that even their
time-estimates must be taken as just their best estimates.
The speed of change is just one side
of the coin. The other depends on us:
how long will our adaptation take? If we
rethink quickly, most of the problems can be solved; otherwise, our learning
may come only from very painful experience.
I have mentioned several times that "we are
just at the beginning," so that we keep in front of us an understanding
that much more is to come. If we thought
that what we see today is all that is going to happen, we wouldn't force ourselves to see the
implications of the gigantic forces at work.
It's possible to become so immersed in the activity of the present,
including its many opportunities, that we don't see the storm on the
horizon.
If the main forces keep advancing
according to their own tendencies, the storm front will continue to move in
quite rapidly. It would be unsound,
however, not to acknowledge that an interruption of existing trends is always
possible. There is very little in human
life that lends itself to linear extrapolation. The "argument from
inevitability" has long been an important feature of Marxist thought, and
all such claims are rightly suspect. For
example, the proliferation of nuclear, chemical and biological weapons may
create such a tinderbox that the world is sent into a war that will materially
change the direction of things. But
unless some such major interruption occurs, each of the elements in the
now-existing process of change -- science, technology, market--is prepared to
take off into far more accelerated activity than we have seen so far.
Unless addressed, the economic and
social dislocations caused by displacement will themselves increasingly
threaten an interruption of the movement into non-labor-intensive
technology. In that case, chaos and
carnage become considerably more predictable and will interpose a sharp break
from our current direction.
If, however, there is no
interruption, science seems just "on the threshold" of what is
possible. Take, for example, the Human
Genome Project, which is in progress but remains to be finished; or the
exploration of and knowledge about space.
And from the point of view of those most involved with them, computers
are closer to their infancy than to maturity.
In his 1995 book The Road Ahead, Microsoft's Bill Gates says
"laboratories are already operating ‘ballistic' transistors that have
switching times on the order of a femtosecond.
That is 1/1,000,000,000,000,000 of a second, which is about 10 million
times faster than the transistors in today's microprocessors. The trick is to reduce the size of the chip
circuitry and the current flow so that moving electrons don't bump into
anything, including each other. The next
state is the ‘single-electron transistor,’ in which a single bit of information
is represented by a lone electron."[1]
So far as communications are
concerned, only a small fraction of the world's population is involved thusfar
with the Internet (and for the people who are, their lives are not yet centered
around it the way lives will be in the not-too-distant future).
Even the global market has just
gotten underway. Both the imports and
exports of the
The point that we are barely into
the beginning stages is recognized by several recent comments by
economists. In 1991, Anthony Patrick Carnevale
said that "at present, our general understanding of the new economy far
exceeds its acceptance in the American workplace. In short, we know where we need to go, but we
don't know how to get there." He
adds that "the flexible technologies of the new economy, especially
information technologies, are in their infancy.
We are still in the most primitive phases of applying these technologies
at home and at work."[2] Economist Paul Krugman emphasizes this
probably more than anyone else, since he sees little increase in productivity
so far but anticipates much more: "Technologically, the past 15 years have
been a parade of wonders: Especially in computation, but also in communication
(remember life before the fax?)...Yet economically, the news has been generally
dreary... Something is out of kilter here.
Either technology isn't all it's cracked up to be, or we haven't yet
seen the impact of the new technology on our economy. Maybe the next decade will see businesses
learn how to use computers, faxes, and fiberoptics...."[3] Bryan and Farrell said in 1996 that globalization is only at its
mid-stage; that bond markets just started becoming global in the early 1980s;
and that these were followed by equity markets--which are just beginning -- in
the 1990s.[4]
In each of several areas of technology the
start has been slow, but with the world economy poised to jump forward quickly:
.
Robotics; CIM. Cohen and
Zysman said in their 1987 book that "the robotics industry is still in its
infancy." "The United States
is still a long way from any widespread use of...computer integrated
manufacturing (CIM) systems. It is even
further from the shared data base that will integrate manufacturing into
business strategy."[5] As we saw in Chapter 2, there were 650,000
robots at work in the world economy by mid-1997. This is a vast increase over 1987, but far
short of what it soon will be; Jeremy Rifkin pointed out in 1995 that
"current surveys show that less than 5 percent of companies around the
world have even begun to make the transition to the new machine
culture." (In terms of employment,
"more than 75 percent of the labor force in most industrial nations
[still] engage in work that is little more than simple repetitive tasks.")[6]
.
Biotechnology. Yoxen and
DiMartino said in 1989 that in Europe "there is now more skepticism about
the immediate commercial promise of biotechnology, given the considerable
problems of innovating, financing and marketing new products and
processes...Even with the enormous technical boost given by recombinant
genetics (genetic engineering), by parallel developments in immunology and cell
biology (monoclonal antibodies) and by information technology for data storage,
data analysis, and process control, it is a very expensive and uncertain business
to bring biotechnological inventions to market.
It can be done, as a range of new products demonstrate, but they are far
fewer in number than many expected in the late 1970s."[7]
In an article on "precision
farming," Christine Lutton in Forbes in mid-1996 said that its
adoption has been slow because costs were still high. But, she said, "the iron logic of ever
cheaper computer power ensures that if precision farming doesn't make economic
sense now, it will five or ten years from now."[8]
.
The Internet. About 1
million people used the Internet in 1988, and this had grown to 20 million by
1994. That November, Business Week
projected that "from 3.2 million computers around the world today, the
Internet is expected to swell to more than 100 million machines in five
years."[9] But even this would barely scratch the
surface; more than two years later, in December 1996, David Kalish of the
Associated Press wrote that "only about 10 percent of U.S. households have
Internet access, far less than the critical mass needed for profits by most
advertisers, Web publishers and other companies...Despite this, the Internet is
nearing a crucial threshold."[10]
.
Fiber-optic buildings.
Also in December 1996, a news report about fiber optics said
"gossamer strands of ultra-pure glass delivering voice, video and computer
data at laser-pulse speed have replaced copper as the backbone of America's
telephone and cable television networks.
They are spurring the rapid growth of the Internet." It projected that "within 10 years, this
dazzling conduit to communications' most distant frontiers could be hooked up
to individual homes."[11]
Ken Ducatel, speaking in the
European context, says the construction industry "has been relatively slow
to adopt IT [information technology] compared to the rest of
manufacturing." He says the
construction industry is, however, being pulled into the future by the demand
for new services: "Industry is increasingly expecting new buildings to
offer high levels of automation. There
are new demands for integrated security services, the automation of heating
control, air conditioning and so forth...Electronic related services in some
complex buildings can amount to 50% of construction costs."[12]
.
DVDs (Digital Versatile Discs, also called Digital Video Discs). In rapid succession, the CD-ROM is taking the
place of floppy discs and now the
. Artificial intelligence. The area of artificial intelligence
illustrates both the dangers of over-prediction and the fact that "the
last laugh" may be on those who are reluctant to acknowledge change. A newspaper article in early 1997 quoted the
overly enthusiastic prediction that one of the early developers of artificial
intelligence made to Life magazine in 1970: "In from three to eight
years we will have a machine with the general intelligence of an average human
being. I mean a machine that will be able
to read Shakespeare, grease a car, play office politics, tell a joke, have a
fight." The article says investment
poured into AI in the early 1980s, but that AI firms "quickly crashed and
burned when their technology proved too ‘brittle' to function in the real
world." Those of us in the academic
community know, however, that in the late 1990s much work is being done on AI,
with increasingly good prospects.
.
Distance learning, office practices, manual labor, retailing,
warehousing. The literature shows
pressure to revolutionize each of these areas, but that change is still at the
threshold. Writing in Higher
Education Management in 1990, Kenneth King spoke of the "slow pace of
adoption" of information technologies that support teaching and learning.[14] In my own university's college of business, a
growing emphasis on using computers in classwork just began to impact on the
average professor in 1997. "Master
classrooms" are being installed, equipped with what is at present the
latest in digital technology. Change
seemed slow from King's perspective in 1990, and I am sure it still seems slow
today, but the change is coming.
Ducatel cites a 1990 study that
showed that "despite the large-scale introduction of new technology,
office practices are generally changing only slowly. This is especially true for those
organizational innovations that redistribute work over time and
space." As to manual work, "the
application of IT is low outside of manufacturing. Retail industry workplaces such as banks,
building society offices and shops are in the vanguard of the move to adopt
IT." Senker and Senker, however,
speak of retailing's having made "a slow start in the 1980s"; but
they agree with Ducatel that "the diffusion of IT in retailing is now
gathering pace... Progress with EPoS [Electronic Point of Sale] has been
facilitated by the development of worldwide standards for article numbering,
through barcodes, which identify products being traded." They say "the use of electronic trading
-- direct communication between firms' computers via a telephone network for
enquiries, purchase orders, delivery notes and invoices--is likely to grow
enormously in the 1990s. Direct exchange
of electronic data, or EDI, is much more sophisticated than electronic
mail." Senker and Senker also
discuss warehousing, saying that "the take up of information technology in
warehouses has so far been slow, but it is likely to increase in the future. Software programs can be used to plan
warehouse layout, vehicle loading and route planning. Innovations in warehouse hardware include
highbay automated storage and retrieval systems for palletized unit loads,
carousel picking systems, conveyors and parcel sorting systems and guidance
networks for automated guided vehicles."[15]
Change usually occurs through a series of steps
rather than by a giant leap forward.
Ducatel and Ian Miles tell of an analysis of manufacturing technology
that sees specific tasks being automated first.
This is called "intra-activity automation" and uses
stand-alone equipment. Then several
associated activities are automated together.
This is "systems integration," of which Flexible Manufacturing
Systems (
Society in general seems to be going
through a similar incremental process.
At home, most people started by using the computer as a delightfully improved
typewriter. Many now use it for easy
communication, playing games, customizing greeting cards to friends, accessing
information on a multitude of subjects, and making purchases at a distance. As time goes on, more and more functions will
become computer-based, as we saw in the discussion of fiber-optic buildings
with their computerized systems of security, heating and air conditioning. Bill Gates of Microsoft looks forward to the
day when everyone will carry a wallet-sized personal computer that interconnects
with computers in stores, banks, airports, and other facilities.[17]
The rate of change is affected by a number of
factors. Some inhibit it, others speed
it up. Here are some that the literature
says inhibit change:
.
The time-lag between a new idea and its inclusion in the technology.[18]
.
"The dead weight of history.
Once invented," Carnevale says, "new technologies are not
immediately adopted. Fear, superstition,
vested interest, and instability give the past and present a powerful hold on
the future."[19] Depending upon the culture, the power of
existing interests can be enormous to slow or totally block change. I am reminded of Ayn Rand's book Anthem,
where the candlemakers' union was able to bar the electric light. An article in Fortune told of
antiquated practices among car dealers, asking "why has their system
lasted so long?" "One
reason," the author said, "is that dealers are independent
businessmen protected by a powerful trade association and strong franchise
laws."[20] This is why one of the principles that will
be important later when we discuss policies will be that an open competitive
market is vital. A market is the most
fertile ground for continued innovation; non-market cultures find many reasons
not to be.
.
The "sunk costs" invested in existing technologies. Electricity made water and steam power
obsolete in 1880, but the use of steam continued to rise in the United States
for 30 more years because most homes and businesses had it.[21]
.
Failures of imagination.
"Most new technologies are used initially to substitute for the
technologies they displace," and only later are wholly new uses
envisioned.[22]
.
The wait for "a compatible family of technologies" which is
needed to "realize the full potential of the invention."[23]
.
The build-up to "critical mass." The Economist said in late 1996 that
about half of American workers use computers, compared to only a quarter in
1984. It told of a "classic
study" by Paul David, an economic historian at Stanford University, that suggests
"that productivity benefits start to be reaped once the diffusion rate of
a technology passes 50%." It's easy
to see why: the usefulness of telephones, just as more recently of FAX machines
and of e-mail, depends upon other people's having them.
.
The high initial cost of new technology, with the price coming down
later. There's an intriguing article in Business
Week describing the travail phone companies have gone through in providing
updated phone circuits to Santa Rosa, California. The existing circuits have been too slow for
customers to use the Internet conveniently.
Much better technology has been developed, "but paying for this
kind of technology is another matter."
The author tells a "case in point": "Around 1990, the
phone companies were going to snake an optical fiber to every home. But that would have cost well over $1,000 per
home. So they decided to extend fiber
only partway and use coaxial cable for the rest." Even this, however, proved too
expensive. The article says, though,
that "the technology retreat may be ending. The cost of cutting-edge gear such as
optoelectronic components for fiber networks is dropping."[24] This story is repeated in countless
areas. A news report in May 1997 on the
new "hybrid automobiles" that combine electric and gasoline motors
says "Toyota acknowledges it will lose money on the hybrid, although it
will sell for about $4,300 more than a comparable regular car." But note: "Prices are likely to come
down as production increases."[25]
The drop in price is closely related
to the achievement of "critical mass." Nowhere is this more apparent than in the
change-over the United States is making from analog to digital television. Analog will be abandoned once enough digital
sets have been sold to allow it. But the
price of digital sets in mid-1997 ranged from $3,000 as a low to $5,000 as
"mid-range." It is expected
that prices will come down to $1,500 by 2005, and there is discussion of
low-cost converter boxes. In the
meantime, the process of moving to a highly complex and extremely expensive new
technology, considerably better than the old one, remains far more complicated
than mere technical questions would make it.[26]
.
Outdated management or organizational structures. Rifkin tells of the concern economists have
had in recent years about why the American economy didn't at first experience
productivity gains to match its investment in information technology, which
during the 1980s amounted to more than $1 trillion. When productivity shot up in the 1990s it
became clear that the problem had been "outmoded organizational structures
that were not able to accommodate the new technologies."[27] This is supported by the Atlanta Business
Chronicle, which in 1995 said that "according to most experts, four decades
of amazing advances in computer and communications technology had only a small
impact on service jobs because the new technologies were inefficiently wed to
old organizational methods." These
structures are rapidly being reengineered: "Corporations are being rebuilt
to take advantage of technology, productivity is soaring, and white-collar and
middle-management jobs are melting away."[28]
I mentioned above how "sunk costs" in steam and water power delayed
the use of electricity. Another reason
was the difficulty of adapting organizations.
The Economist points out that "even when firms had installed
electricity, it still took them a long time to learn how to organize their
factories around electric power and to take advantage of its flexibility."[29]
.
A shortage of engineers and other appropriately trained personnel. A book in 1983 had good reason to say that
"it is quite likely that a shortage of engineers could compromise the
expansion of robotics technology."[30] The chemical company Monsanto ran into
"consumer resistance" when it attempted to market bovine somatotropin
(BST) to dairy farmers to increase milk production. The necessary training was more than the
farmers wanted to undergo.[31]
Given the inducements and
competitive pressures of the market, the existing workforce does ultimately get
retrained and the young are made conversant with the new techniques as part of
their education, but this requires a series of steps that take time: such
things as the writing and publication of technical manuals, the setting up of
seminars, the alteration of college curricula, etc. All of this happens in due time as people
scramble to seize the new opportunities, but none of it is instantaneous.
.
Political and budgetary vicissitudes.
In the late 1950s, the USSR's launching of Sputnik, the first manmade
satellite, startled the American people into a sustained push for technological
supremacy. That was an accelerant. But
the Challenger disaster caused a substantial slowing. Instead of progressing on a straight line,
technology is subject to many such vicissitudes. We saw that again in 1993 when Congress voted
to kill the $11 billion Superconducting Supercollider project.
.
Legal issues, and the need for the law to adapt. Libraries have been anxious to make materials
available over the Internet. But Business
Week observes that "even if billions of taxpayer dollars were
available to get all 15,872 of the nation's public libraries and branches
online -- which there aren't--legal issues still must be considered. Stocking reference works and lending books is
one thing. Dispensing digital copies
raises uncharted copyright issues."[32] "Intellectual property" has become
one of the law's up-and-coming areas.
The speed of change and how well economic relations work in the future
depend upon how quickly and satisfactorily this body of law can be developed.
Factors that accelerate change also exist.
.
The most powerful accelerant, forcing change upon those who otherwise
might incline toward rest, is competition, especially the competition of
low-cost suppliers now that the market in becoming global. It is enough to grind down the many
inhibitors.
.
An obvious accelerant can come from increasing investment in research
and development, and then in follow-up plant, equipment and software. In 1991, Carnevale said that in the United
States investments in information-based technology "now absorb more than
40 percent of all investments in new plants and equipment, compared with 20
percent in 1980 and 6 percent in 1950."[33]
.
An Associated Press report on fiber-optics says "the technology has
advanced at hyper-speed, impelled by the deregulation of the U.S.
telecommunications industry in 1982."[34] This was the removal of a legal and
organizational inhibiting factors.
.
In fact, the reduction of any of the inhibiting factors we have already
discussed (or of the many I haven't thought to mention) can allow faster
change. When, as we have seen, the high
cost of an initial technology is replaced by lower costs, the stage is set for
much swifter adoption. In late 1996, The
Economist spoke of "the vertiginous decline in the price of
computer-processing power, which has fallen by an average of around 30% a year
in real terms over the past couple of decades...Never has the world seen such a
dramatic fall in the price of an industrial input."[35]
.
Peter and Jacqueline Senker tell why prefabrication has come to be used
more quickly in Swedish construction than in many other countries. Local factors such as inclement weather and
high labor costs, which seem to be negatives, make prefabrication
desirable. They cite, too, such industry
factors as the links between design and construction, and construction and
manufacturing, as well as societal factors such as "a lower level of social
discontent with large building systems."[36]
Like driving in an increasingly dense fog where
the range of visibility becomes shorter and shorter, the making of predictions
today, where they can be made at all, must be over a dramatically shorter time
than was possible in the past. Samuel
Sacco says that "futurists who, less than a generation ago, could forecast
20 or 30 years into the future now have trouble seeing any clear trends over
the next five years because technology is spawning new technologies which, in
turn, spawn technologies."[37] In an article about agile manufacturing, Business
Week says "it's coming faster than anyone expected. ‘Fundamental transformations of the terms of
commerce have always been measured in decades,' says Lehigh's Goldman. ‘In 1991, I figured it would take 15 years
for agile manufacturing to become common practice. But now, I think it will be the norm within
five years.'"[38] This is reinforced when Owen Edwards uses
colorful phrasing to tell us in Forbes ASAP that "in business,
nothing lasts forever, and in the technology business a happy heyday lasts
about as long as a fruit fly's adolescence."[39]
It is interesting to see what projections
different commentators have made (subject to the understanding I mentioned
earlier that these are just their best estimates). We have already seen some; here are others:
William Greider quotes John F.
Welch, Jr., the CEO of General Electric, as saying that "the shakeouts
will be more brutal. The pace of change
more rapid." "What lies ahead,
Welch said, is ‘a hurricane.'"[40]
Peter Drucker wrote in 1993 about
"the shift to the knowledge society" and said that "if history
is any guide, it will not be completed until 2010 or 2020."[41] Speaking of factory automation, Fred Block
points out that "the impact of this new wave of factory automation has
been highly uneven," and says "the diffusion of the new technologies
through industry will take many years."[42]
Jeremy Rifkin, who has written the
most insightful book looking ahead, said in 1995 that "researchers predict
that the fully automated factory farm is less than twenty years
away." Rifkin himself expects
"an economy of near automated production by the mid-decades of the
twenty-first century," bringing "civilization ever closer to a near-workerless
world."[43]
How long will the Humane Genome
Project take? John Carey in Business
Week says that "by about 2010, researchers expect to have deciphered
the entire human genome, unlocking the secrets to many diseases."[44]
In an article on the "Robot
Revolution" in National Geographic in July 1997, Curt Suplee says
that "soon scientists will demonstrate a highway system featuring robotic
cars that within 20 years could do all the driving."[45]
In effect, these predictions point
toward immense change within the lifetimes of many now living (far exceeding
the incredible changes those of us who are older have witnessed during our
own). From what we are seeing, such
expectations seem reasonable. Just the
same, it is well to keep in mind that expectations often aren't realized, at
least within the times projected. In Future
Shock in 1970, Alvin Toffler spoke of "a society that will, by the
year 2000 or sooner, be armed with robots, advanced computers,
personality-altering drugs, brain-stimulating pleasure probes, and similar
technological goodies."[46] His vision hardly matches the reality of
1998--although his prediction has two more years to go. On a more mundane level, Senker and Senker
say that in Europe "early predictions of a rapid decrease in demand for
secretarial and clerical workers as a result of the use of IT have not been
realized...Although some types of office work are vanishing, others are
growing."[47]
Bill Gates was right in his 1995 book The
Road Ahead not to take himself too seriously about his projections. He said "this is meant to be a serious
book, although ten years from now it may not appear that way. What I've said that turned out right will be considered
obvious and what was wrong will be humorous."[48]
There is an important question,
however, that anybody dealing with change has to make a decision about and that
I discussed near the end of Chapter 1.
It is whether it is too intellectually dangerous (and potentially
embarrassing, although that's of less importance) to revisit the central issues
of social and political thought, as I will be doing in later chapters, because
of expectations about the future. This
turns largely on whether the market economy will prove as generally satisfactory
as most of its supporters have faith it will be, so that the problems of
displacement and polarization are largely chimeras. In light of everything we've reviewed in the
preceding chapters, I can't accept a "presumption of spontaneous
self-correction" in this situation as an act of ideological faith. I am compeled to have us start our rethinking
now.
If it turns out that the market
works in a way to avoid all major social dislocations, including an extremity
of polarization, I'll have been wrong--and no one will be happier about it than
I will. In that case, the later chapters
will have been little more than a "thought exercise." Come to think of it, that's not a bad thing
in itself, since even the philosophy of the free market, like all philosophies,
sharpens its self-awareness only through testing.
ENDNOTES
[1]. Bill Gates, with
Nathan Myhrvold and Peter Rinearson, The Road Ahead (New York: Viking
Penguin, 1995), p. 33.
[2]. Anthony Patrick
Carnevale, America and the New Economy (Alexandria, VA: American Society
for Training and Development, 1991), pp. 5, 27.
[3]. Paul Krugman, The
Age of Diminished Expectations (Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press, 1994), p.
208.
[4]. Lowell Bryant
and Diana Farrell, Market Unbound: Unleashing Global Capitalism (New
York: John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 1996), pp. 12, 27, 35.
[5]. Stephen S. Cohen
and John Zysman, Manufacturing Matters: The Myth of a Post-Industrial
Economy (New York: Basic Books, Inc., Publishers, 1987), pp. 161-2.
[6]. Jeremy Rifkin, The
End of Work (New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1995), p. 5.
[7]. Edward Yoxen and
Vittorio Di Martino, ed.s., Biotechnology in Future Society: Scenarios and
Options for Europe (Luxembourg: Office for Official Publications of the
European Communities, 1989), pp. 5, 6.
[8]. Christine
Lutton, "Cyberfarm," Forbes,
[9]. Business Week,
[10]. Wichita Eagle,
[11]. Wichita Eagle,
[12]. Ken Ducatel,
ed., Employment and Technical Change in Europe (Brookfield, VT: Edward
Elgar Publishing Company, 1994), p. 5.
[13]. Wichita Eagle,
[14]. Kenneth M. King,
"Information Technologies in Support of Teaching and Learning," Higher
Education Management, Vol. 2, No. 3, 1990, pp. 294-298.
[15]. Ducatel, Employment
and Technical Change in Europe, pp. 25, 35, 80, 88.
[16]. Ducatel, Employment
and Technical Change in Europe, pp. 27-8.
[17]. Gates, The
Road Ahead, p. 75.
[18]. Carnevale, America
and the New Economy, p. 45.
[19]. Carnevale, America
and the New Economy, p. 45.
[20]. Fortune,
[21]. Carnevale, America
and the New Economy, p. 46.
[22]. Carnevale, America
and the New Economy, p. 47.
[23]. Carnevale, America
and the New Economy, p. 47.
[24]. Business Week,
[25]. Wichita Eagle,
[26]. Wichita Eagle,
[27]. Rifkin, The
End of Work, p. 92; and more generally, pp. 90-106.
[28].
[29]. The Economist, &q