[This is Chapter Three of Murphey’s book The Emerging Crisis of Economic Displacement.]

Chapter Three

A WORLDWIDE COMPETITIVE MARKET

            I recently bought a new Remington electric razor to replace the Braun I had been using.  Now when I open the top to brush out the whiskers I see "made in China," whereas the Braun said "made in Germany."  Neither was manufactured in the United States. It reminds me that after my wife bought four small toys to include in a package to our grandsons I noticed that each of them was labeled "made in China."  These and many similar observations prompt one to ask: Is anything produced in the United States anymore?

            The answer is said to be that most things still are, but that the internationalization of the economy is increasing steadily.  In his book on U.S. trade policy, Patrick Low says "trade plays an increasingly important role in most countries' economies, and the United States is no exception."  He gives compelling figures: Between 1960 and 1988, the percentage of imports into the United States doubled from 4.7 to 9.7 of the Gross Domestic Product (GDP), in inflation-adjusted dollars.  The export figure also more than doubled: from 5.2 percent to 11.4 percent.[1]  William Greider cites statistics that "America's imports of manufactured goods rose from 14 percent of total U.S. manufacturing output in 1977 to 36 percent in 1993."[2]   Business Week says the United States exported 13 percent of its output of goods in 1986 and that this had grown to 22 percent by 1994.[3]  Hans Sennholz of the Foundation for Economic Education cites U.S. Department of Commerce statistics that U.S. general imports skyrocketed from $8.954 billion in 1950, to $40.356 billion in 1970, to $244.871 billion in 1980, and to $495 billion in 1990.  Although Sennholz doesn't say whether these figures are adjusted for inflation (which must always be kept in mind in determining the comparability of figures), the rise has been spectacular in any event.[4]  According to a  Federal Reserve Board Summary Report in early 1997, both U.S. exports and imports are expected "to remain on a clear upward trend."[5] 

            Some economists would seem to contradict this.  Paul Krugman in 1994 said that "international trade is of only limited importance to the world's large economies."[6]  At a Federal Reserve symposium that same year he said "the U.S. economy and the economy of Western Europe... are still primarily in the business of producing goods and services for their own use.  Imports are only 11 percent of U.S. GDP."[7]  The Economist in late 1996 reported that several studies showed that trade had had only a small impact on wages.[8]  The difficulty with such reports, however, is that they present a static picture.  If the changing scene is taken into account and the underlying forces are considered that will carry the changes far beyond where they have already gone, the process of internationalization is striking.  A "globalization" is occurring -- and rapidly.  Static figures, being in effect a snapshot of the situation in any given year, don't tell the story of our being in the beginning phases of several "revolutions," including the internationalization of economic life.  Steven Weber of the University of California has the issue in better perspective when he observes that "world merchandise exports have grown every year since 1976 with the sole exception of 1982.  Since 1985, US exports have more than doubled, Britain's exports have increased 50%, Japan's exports by nearly 100%."[9]

 

Forces producing a global economy

 

            The factors that are bringing about a worldwide competitive economy are found mainly in communications, transportation, the growth of a world capital market, and the increasing role of multinational corporations.

Communications

            Economist Murray Weidenbaum says "the global marketplace has rapidly shifted from just being a simpleminded buzzword to complex reality... The issue has been decided by technology.  The combination of fax machines, universal telephone service (including cellular), low-cost, high-speed copiers and computers, and speedy jet airline service enables money, goods, services, and people to cross most borders rapidly and often instantly."[10] 

            The specifics are worth noting:

            .  Business Week's 1994 examination of "The Information Revolution" told of "optoelectronics," which produces "a felicitous marriage of light and electricity."  Fiber optics are a key to current telecommunications.  "Sophisticated lasers transform electrical representations of conversations, faxes, or data into pulses of light" that are later reconverted into electricity.  The result: "Today's most capable fiber telephone lines can carry a gigabit or two of information -- roughly an Encyclopedia Britannica -- in a second.  That's a 10,000-fold improvement on copper."[11]  The competitive, organizational basis for implementing this technology is coming into place worldwide; a news report in early 1997 tells how almost 70 countries that include the United States have agreed to "allow the highly competitive telecommunications giants of the United States and Europe to enter each others' markets, and [to] permit them to invade many Third World markets where phone service has been controlled by inefficient, state-run monopolies."[12]

            .  Satellites are also central.  Wriston writes that "the single most powerful development in global communities has been the satellite."  He says "satellites now bind the world... in an electronic infrastructure that carries news, money, and data anywhere on the planet at the speed of light."[13]  Within the next ten years, 1,700 additional satellites, growing ever cheaper, are expected to be placed into orbit, mostly to serve "the global cellular phone and paging markets."  There is a project called "Iridium" to "blanket the world with satellite wireless telephone service."[14]  We have already seen how Bill Gates and Craig McCaw intend to employ 840 satellites to facilitate worldwide Internet service.

            .  Interactive video cameras are making "telemedicine" possible.  In Kansas, a nine-year-old girl crippled by a rare combination of scarlet fever and Kawasaki disease is reported to have been cured by doctors 450 miles away in Kansas City.[15]

            .  Library collections are being digitized "for delivery over the Internet to local, national, and even global audiences."  Major communications companies are lending financial and other help to create  what Kenneth E. Dowlin in his 1984 book called "the electronic library."[16]

            How can the world not see increasing economic integration as all of this (and much more) goes forward?

Transportation

            Without inexpensive modern transportation, it would be necessary to continue the old pattern of manufacturing goods at a place near to either the resources or the consumer.  Today, however, capital investment can flow toward the places of cheapest production wherever they are, because the products can be taken to market at extremely low cost.  With both miniaturization and the new materials sciences, products will also become less heavy and bulky, reducing the old barriers imposed by transport.  Many products in the information age will even be "incorporeal," needing no physical transportation at all.

            Speaking in the context of the shift toward low-wage production, Greider casts light on the changes in transportation: "The cost of transporting things between distant markets has always been the practical obstacle to successful [wage] arbitrage, but modern technologies have greatly reduced these costs, even for moving entire factories.  Transportation is a trivial factor alongside the potential gains...."[17]

The world capital market

            World capital flows have become massive and virtually instantaneous.  Weidenbaum tells how "a bank was moved from one country to another via a fax machine" on the first day of Iraq's 1990 invasion of Kuwait.  The records were all faxed to a subsidiary in Bahrain, and "the next morning, the bank opened as a Bahraini institution."[18]

            Wriston speaks of a "huge movement of money capital that far exceeds world trade."  Writing in 1992, he says the foreign exchange market is growing past $500 billion a day; but William Greider, writing just five years later in 1997, refers to the "ferocious" growth of national currency trading and says the volume "now exceeds $1.2 trillion a day" [emphasis added].[19]  It is "a market," Wriston says, "of a size, depth, and speed never before seen on earth."[20]  Fred Block in Postindustrial Possibilities also finds the word "huge" appropriate, speaking of "an extraordinarily high degree of freedom for international capital flows.  Huge pools of savings can almost instantaneously be transferred from one country to another."[21]  The Hudson Institute tells how "recently both capital and labor markets have become globally integrated...Today, individual Americans routinely buy mutual funds investing in the Japanese stock market, and Japanese investors pour billions of dollars into American real estate and the U.S. Treasury bond market."[22]  Robert Reich says the idea of a "national stock exchange" is becoming questionable in light of "twenty-four-hour electronic-trading networks linking New York, London, Tokyo, and Bonn."[23]  There has been a rapid expansion of world bond and equity trading, cross-border stockholdings, and international bank loans.[24]

            What difference does all this make?  Perhaps first and foremost, it allows "maximizing the return on capital without regard to national identity," to use Greider's words, resulting in a higher return on capital.[25]  The expression is that "money is the mother's milk of politics," but money is of such commonplace importance to business that one hardly thinks to mention it.  A worldwide capital market allows investments to flow toward every perceived profit opportunity.  This greatly accelerates the growth of a global market.  Businesses are freed from dependence on the "factor endowments" of a particular country and from dependence on local sources of money.[26]

Multinational corporations

            World trade is increasingly conducted by enormous corporations whose stock ownership, key employees, headquarters, subsidiaries, places of manufacture, and markets are so spread-out among countries that it is difficult if not impossible, other than by an arbitrary, superficial criterion, to assign a national identity.  A sign of the times: a shipping label for the products of one electronics company says, "Made in one or more of the following countries: Korea, Hong Kong, Malaysia, Singapore, Taiwan, Mauritius, Thailand, Indonesia, Mexico, Philippines.  The exact country of origin is unknown."  Notice that the United States isn't among the countries listed even though the firm is by general acceptation an "American" company.[27] 

              In defense procurement, the American government uses the superficial criterion of place-of-incorporation in determining whether a company is "American."  In world trade, manipulation is used to make products appear either American or foreign, according to whatever is desired.  Robert Reich speaks of "the armies of foreign workers now employed by so-called American corporations."  He tells of  accelerated overseas investment by American firms, and their purchase of foreign companies.  Indeed, companies find it desirable to lose their national identities, taking on a multicultural look as they hire executives from many countries.[28]  Alfred Balk says that "both ‘the notion of "American" technology' and the idea of ‘uniquely American' corporate identities have become meaningless."[29]          

            Reich cites IBM as an example.  By 1990, 40 percent of its total world workforce was foreign, and the percentage was growing.  Balk's book of that same year gave additional details: The IBM World Trade Corp. employed more than 300,000 people spread over 132 countries.  Outside the U.S. it owned more than 30 manufacturing facilities, 60 R&D centers, and 100 educational centers.[30]

            Michael Hodges says "the national origins of multinational corporations are increasingly less relevant as a determinant of the location of their most significant and productive activities."  He mentions Robert Reich's oft-quoted question: "Who is Us?"[31]  This is illustrated graphically by Laura Katz Olson when she says "Airbus Industrie, which is owned by a consortium of European governments, uses engines made by U.S. firms; it competes primarily against Boeing, which uses Rolls Royce engines.  Data entry facilities for American airlines currently are located in Barbados and in the Dominican Republic.  Ford Motor Company and General Motors both manufacture diverse parts for their automobiles throughout Europe, Brazil, Mexico, the U.S. and other countries."[32]

            An interesting thing about multinational corporations is the interplay of their relation to technology.  Paul Kennedy tells how "the main creators and controllers of technology have increasingly become large, multinational corporations...."[33]  But technology is making the enormous economies of scale that lead to large firms less important.  Cohen and Zysman point out how "automated production technologies permit shorter production runs, [which in turn] should permit shall firms... to design and develop products that can be manufactured in competition with large firms."[34]  It is almost certainly because of this that large corporations are more and more becoming loose webs of many small entities which represent a variety of entrepreneurial centers.  Robert Reich says "America's core corporation... is, increasingly, a facade, behind which teems an array of decentralized groups and subgroups continuously contracting with similarly diffuse working units all over the world."[35]

            Pressure to be the lowest-cost producer with the lowest-cost labor

            I will discuss this point more fully in Chapter 8 when we explore the causes of worker displacement.  For the present, it is sufficient to notice that the growing worldwide competitive market involves an unrelenting pressure on firms to be the lowest-cost producer of quality goods or services, since to be otherwise is to invite failure in the competitive struggle to survive; and further to notice that this causes great pressure to use the lowest-cost labor.  Business Week mentions Kodak as an example.  "The core photography business is brutal, marked by growing capacity and falling prices.  Just to keep profits flat, Kodak needs to cut manufacturing costs substantially every year...."   Kodak sees at least 599 competing firms around the world in the area of optical storage technology.[36]

            The search for the lowest-cost labor is made possible by the ready availability of workforces all over the world, workforces made accessible by the ability of capital to flow to them (and to some extent by the growing ease of national migration).  Their products may then be transported or communicated inexpensively and quickly.  Both skilled and unskilled labor already exist in large pools throughout the world, as is apparent when we are told that there are 350,000 Chinese engineers -- paid an average of $105 a month! -- with hundreds of thousands more in prospect.[37]  But often business won't need an engineer: as high-tech jobs become more "user-friendly," they will be done by less-skilled people.[38]  This all amounts to a vast increase in the pool of workers available to a firm.  It also means that workers anywhere are in increasing competition with workers everywhere.  (If this doesn't yet seem to comport with your observation of daily life, wait a while; as with all of this, we are in the beginning stages.)

            Economists cite the fundamental rule of supply-and-demand in agreeing that the long-term tendency will be a decline in wages in the well-paying advanced economies and a rise in wages for workers elsewhere.  This will not, however, be anything like a balanced trend, since the Third World work-pool is a veritable ocean compared to that of the developed nations.  What is most predictable is that over time there will be a slight increase in wages in the Third World and a sharp decrease in wages within the developed countries. 

            The undercutting of wages in the advanced economies by low-pay world labor will, however, be a phenomenon only of the near- and medium-term.  Only slightly further removed is the reality that non-labor-intensive and extremely low-cost production using a combination of computers and science will out-compete even low-pay international labor.  The dirt-cheap Chinese engineers may find little demand for their services.  Rifkin says "the cost advantage of cheap third-world labor is becoming increasingly less important in the overall production mix...  [T]he advantage of human labor over machines is fast diminishing...."[39]  This doesn't mean the workers of the developed nations will get their jobs back or that their wages will be restored to previous levels.  It means that work itself will become increasingly obsolete.  If this is a shock to readers who are not already immersed in the existing literature, read on patiently; we will discuss the coming developments in much greater detail later.

A gap between words and conduct: a prevalent worldwide free-trade ideology, combined with much national industrial policy

            Since World War II, and especially since the collapse of the Soviet Union and the advent of the much-heralded "New World Order," free trade has been the prevailing ideology in world trade.  Robert Kuttner says that the United States, as the major economic power since 1945, has "attempted to propagate and administer a system of free trade worldwide."  "The Ricardian view [i.e., the principles of economist David Ricardo who in the early 19th century formulated the Law of Comparative Cost to show how free trade benefits every country through an international division of labor] has been internalized and treated as gospel since 1945...."[40] 

            The free trade position with its stress on openness and mobility is what is most apparently consistent with the new developments in communications, transportation, a world capital market, and business organization.  This will almost certainly change, however, when the new technology's displacement of firms, industries and workers comes to match the marvels of innovation as a primary reality facing the world's peoples.  Then, as we will see later, those peoples will be forced to "look inward" to assure themselves a mode of survival.  In that scenario, an unadapted ideology of free trade will not appear nearly so beneficent and all-rewarding as it seems today.  Ideological emphases are often ephemeral, and today's stress on free trade will certainly be, given the forces at work.  One of the purposes of this book is to show how the ideology must be changed if it is not to become obsolete and at the same time rejected by the great preponderance of the world's peoples, including by most Americans.

            Free trade proponents complain about the amount of government intervention and will be among the first to agree that, even at present and during the free trade emphasis of the post-World War II period, the world is not and has not been as committed to free trade as the rhetoric would cause us to believe.  This is true of the United States as well as of virtually every other country.  The GATT [General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade], involving several "rounds" of international negotiation on trade issues over many years, has supposedly been dedicated to freeing-up trade, but economist Robert Kuttner says its "assumptions are mercantilist" and it "remains weak and riddled with contradictions."[41]  Whether that will change under the World Trade Organization (WTO) remains to be seen.  Let's look at the protectionism and industrial policy that has deviated from pure free trade in the conduct of several of the major economic powers: 

            .  China.  Alan Tonelson of the U.S. Business and Industrial Council Educational Foundation says "China is running neck and neck with Japan for the title of the world's most protectionist country."  He points out that "China's tariffs are among the world's highest" and that "the U.S. government has just [in 1996] branded China the world's worst thief of intellectual property."  Moreover, "China regularly blackmails companies like Boeing into giving China the technology needed to build up rival industries."[42]

            .  The continental European nations.  A news report in 1991 told how the European Community was spending $100 million subsidizing farmers.[43]  Robert Kuttner said in that same year that "the European Community practices a mix of managed and free markets and is not at all reluctant to support farm prices, subsidize new commercial technologies, and condition free entry...."[44]  Airbus Industrie, Boeing's largest competitor, was organized thirty years ago as "a government-financed consortium of German, French, British and Spanish companies," according to Greider, who adds that Europe uses "elaborate local-content rules... designed to insulate European enterprises from glutted global markets."  The EC placed a quota on Japanese VCRs, even those made in Europe, to help encourage a European VCR industry.[45]  Speaking of Germany, Rich Thomas wrote in 1997 that it "is still far more nationalist in its psychology and policies, and far more socialist and mercantilist, than most American experts imagine."[46]

            .  India.  Business Week reported in late 1995 that "India is on strike against foreign capital."[47]

            .  Japan.  Japan has blocked foreign goods by import quotas and a series of non-tariff barriers.  In 1984 Jay Olnek said "there are ten separate steps to follow in importing.  These obstacles cause delays in shipments; storage charges result.  Importers are summoned to government offices if they attempt to buy products abroad that are available locally.  There is an unwritten rule against Japanese corporations selling out to a foreign takeover."[48]  At the 1989 Jackson Hole Federal Reserve symposium, Rudiger Dornbusch spoke of Japan's "extraordinary closed system that protects the gains from progress against sharing with other countries."  Little foreign competition, he said, was allowed within the Japanese domestic market.[49]  In 1991 the Cincinnati Post told the extent to which Japan protects its three million rice farmers.  "Production costs [of rice] are six times as high in Japan as in the United States.  Even with government subsidies, Japanese consumers pay two and a half times as much for rice as Americans do."[50]  To boost its imports, Japan started a "competitive devaluation of the yen" in 1995 which was still continuing in 1997.[51]

            .  Korea.  Rich Thomas writes that "Korea, Taiwan, Singapore, and Hong Kong...achieved their U.S. surpluses either with blatantly protectionist trade and investment rules, or by deliberate undervaluation of their currencies -- or both."[52]

            .  Malaysia.  Malaysia has a vigorous industrial policy.  Greider in 1997 speaks of the "Wawasan 2020" program that is intended to make Malaysia's economy eight times larger by 2020.  It uses "government industrial strategies to foster homegrown industries and a new middle class of talented managers and professionals."  The national automobile, the Proton Saga, is the product of government promotion.[53]  A news report in February 1997 told how "the government has created the Multi-Media Development Corp. to develop the giant, high technology industrial area south of the capital city, Kuala Lumpur."[54]

            .  Taiwan.  James Fallows wrote in The Atlantic Monthly in 1993 that it is ludicrous to say that Taiwan "behaves in an ‘American' way" [meaning non-interventionist].  As an example, he observed that "as late as 1987 most imports of steel into Taiwan had to be approved by the nation's big steel maker, China Steel."  He says that the reports telling of Taiwan's free trade policy have largely been misinformation designed "to conceal how much real protection there has been."[55]

            .  The United Kingdom.  Economist Paul Krugman says "the United Kingdom is a much more open economy than the United States."[56]

            .  The United States.  Olnek lists the devices other countries use to bar American products: quotas, subsidies, impossible standards, licenses, tariffs, and varied taxes.[57]  Nevertheless, despite its free trade rhetoric and overall intention, the U.S. government has long found it politically imperative to adopt a substantial amount of industrial policy and protectionism.  A 1989 newspaper article said that "cars, steel, clothing, dairy products, sugar, and bicycle parts are all protected from foreign competition.  The United States also subsidizes the export of wheat, poultry, eggs and other agricultural products."[58]  A "voluntary" system of import quotas on steel was negotiated by the Reagan administration in 1984 (despite that administration's strong ideological support for free trade) to help the American steel industry re-engineer itself.[59]  The Dallas Morning News reported in 1990 that "only last week, General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade members were waxing outraged that the U.S. continues to protect its sugar industry...,  while demanding that other nations cut their agricultural subsidies."[60]  The Citizens for a Sound Economy wrote in 1995 that "the U.S. government itself often applies trade barriers that are even stricter than those of the other countries."[61]  It is often noted that the United States' leading role as a military power during the Cold War and afterwards has involved trillions of dollars of expenditure on arms that inherently supports and stimulates industry, amounting, as a vitally important side-effect, to a substantial "industrial policy."

            What are we to think of this gap between philosophy and action?  Are all of these countries, and many others besides, renegades acting badly when they should know better?

            Something to notice in all of this is that -- even in the relative absence of the gigantic forces that are beginning to impact on the world economy -- each of these nations has long put aside free trade ideological pressures enough "to do what it has to do."  That is precisely what the German economic thinker Friedrich List urged Germany and other nations to do in the early nineteenth century when they were faced with English commercial dominance.  List, contrary to the impression held by many who have heard of him but almost certainly have not read him, was clear about the benefits of free trade, but wanted his own countrymen (and by extension the peoples of all nations) to participate meaningfully in it.  He knew they could not if all their efforts at self-development were instantly undercut by lower-cost imports from an already-commercially-dominant England.  Free trade thinking expresses a theory that is truly elegant in its stress on worldwide betterment through a division of labor in which each country's people produce what they can market most cheaply.  But the theory focuses almost exclusively on the benefit to consumers.  It pays little regard to how a people in their role as producers (which is necessary to their having the means to become consumers) can gain viability, or maintain it once it is gained, in a circumstance of hard-pressing external competition.  Accordingly, it is highly significant that all countries have felt it necessary to deviate from the pure theory. 

            This should give market theorists pause.  If mankind universally perceives the need to deviate from the theory, they should question whether the theory really is sufficient, even though it unquestionably sees much that is valuable.  The body of thinking argues rightly that "each party to a voluntary transaction benefits, as the party perceives it, or else the party wouldn't be willing to enter into the transaction."  I will discuss the "theory of the transaction" -- and its strengths and problems -- later.  For now I would just have us note that almost everybody has seen that, in terms of practicality to themselves, the theory doesn't fully meet their needs.  

            As mentioned above, the global competitive pressures for ever-lower costs will force enormous worldwide displacement.  Each people will be driven to rely on their particular political structures to assure all their citizens' participation in economic life, since the market by itself will not be able to give that assurance.  This will cause what will ostensibly be massive departures from free trade theory.  That perspective, however, won't be fully on the mark.  If the theory is adjusted, as it must be, to address the new realities, the gap between theory and practice won't be there.  Instead of criticizing governments for "protectionist" programs and "industrial policies," and damning those policies as derelictions, we will find it worthwhile to acknowledge each government's need to take the measures it finds essential to look after the interests of its own citizens.  Even over the past century and a half or so it would have been wisest to have seen free trade in a different light than pure free trade theory does: to see it as something that has much to contribute if in a given case it serves the needs of a people.  That would have reflected a much better understanding of the measures all peoples have felt a need to adopt.  An open competitive market would then be seen to occupy a certain sphere that is supremely important but that isn't the only sphere.  Ultimately, free trade theory, to be most sound, will have to come to that understanding.

            The decline (and future reassertion) of national  sovereignty

            The present forces in the world economy press hard for the erosion of national identity and national sovereignty.  In the near future, however, the measures needed to overcome the displacement of workers and whole economies will necessarily put the nation-state, and perhaps some regional confederations, at center stage.  So it is important to understand the issue of national sovereignty as a matter of flux and reflux.

The flux: the move away from national identity and sovereignty 

            Kevin Phillips tells how in 1992 the U.S. commissioner to the World's Fair in Seville, Spain, acknowledged that some major U.S. firms no longer want to be identified as "American."  "Firms like Time-Warner, CNN and Du Pont, he said, ‘considered themselves global and transnational and didn't want to be pegged as an American company.'"[62]  Alfred Balk quotes Cyrill Stewart, the chief financial officer of Colgate-Palmolive Co.: "There is no mindset that puts this country first."[63]  Harald Malmgren writes of "the agnostic global capital market, which has no national loyalties."[64]  Frederick Strobel speaks of a "transnational elite" whose "major interest...will be to locate manufacturing primarily where labor is cheapest."[65]

            As with my point about the gap between action and free trade philosophy, it is worth noting with this disavowal of national loyalties that it is not because the individuals involved are either bad or misdirected people, even though a given nation's patriots will think their values are straying.  Everything about the global economy -- future necessities aside -- would create this mindset.  When a product is designed one place, built another from components coming from several countries, financed internationally, marketed everywhere, and involves effort by people of several different countries, it is dysfunctional for those involved to embrace any seeming "provincialism."  As the trends continue, Reich says, "there will be no national products or technologies, no national corporations, no national industries.  There will no longer be national economies, at least as we have come to understand that concept...."[66]   Greider adds: "What is forming now is an economic system of interdependence designed to ignore the prerogatives of nations."[67]  No wonder Paul Kennedy can say that "these global changes call into question the usefulness of the nation-state itself."[68] 

            This flight from nationality shows up in several ways:

            .  Increasingly, money and people are making themselves invisible to national governments.  Greider says "big money hides itself in the global economy... [O]ffshore banking centers allow [escape from] national taxation and the surveillance of government regulators... Tax havens are merely a flagrant example of a much larger and exceedingly complicated political agenda -- the politics of escape."  He points to the decontrol of world capital movements during the past thirty years by one nation after another.[69]  Robert Frank and Philip Cook tell how "if one country's tax rates get too high, its top performers can simply emigrate."[70]

            .  Multinational corporations can use a variety of techniques to optimize their advantage vis a vis governments.  William Winpisinger tells how with intra-company transfers "accounting procedures are employed to show profits in countries with low or no taxes, and to show losses in countries with high taxes.  Some multinationals avoid paying taxes almost everywhere in the world."[71]

            .  Economic "blackmail" between governments and firms is commonplace.  China has the leverage to insist on technology transfer to itself and local production facilities as the price of a company like Boeing's selling airplanes to it.  But so also do firms tell many governments -- local, state, national (not just in one country but in several)--that burdens must be lessened and amenities provided if the firm is to locate a facility within the respective government's jurisdiction.  This works not just for a company that is scouting prospective locations; it can be used to put pressure on a government to retain an already-present facility when a threat is made to move it.  Greider describes the process in detail, in the course of which he tells us that "Kentucky spent $125 million to lure Toyota to Georgetown in 1988."  He says the word is "pay up or we'll leave," and that the process is disguised with such euphemisms as "corporate retention" and "economic development."[72]  Of course, firms themselves are compelled to play the game; in a competitive market where the spoils go to the low-cost producer, every advantage has to be sought.  Ones competitors are doing it, which doesn't just make it all right; it makes it necessary.

            .  In such a context, there is inevitably a decline in governmental regulatory standards beyond the simple philosophical call for "deregulation" by those who see unimpeded enterprise as most innovative.  Rifkin points out that under the various international trade agreements such as GATT and NAFTA "hundreds of laws governing the affairs of sovereign nation-states are potentially made null and void if they compromise the freedom of the transnational companies to engage in open trade."  This can impact on "labor standards, environmental safeguards, health regulations, and the like."