[This is Chapter Six of Murphey’s book The Emerging Crisis of Economic Displacement.]

 

Chapter Six

 

                                        THE DISPLACEMENT OF EMPLOYMENT

 

            Unfortunately, the path to fully realizing the potential for improving the human condition won't be smooth.  We would like to think that progress will advance steadily and evenly, much as the nineteenth century faith in progress envisioned it would.  But there's a hitch: technology is becoming more and more "non-labor-intensive."  Though this has been underway for a long time, the change is, in terms of its potential, just started, just as it is with the exponential increase of science and technology itself.  Even now, it remains hard to picture that in the future farming, manufacturing and even services will need few people.  Such a development is magnificent, of course -- except that it scrambles the usual order of things.  What we are accustomed to is that people share in economic output because they earn income that allows them to be consumers.  A circularity between income and consumption forms the basis for the present economic system.  When the economy will no longer need to employ large numbers of people and pay them wages, or there are jobs but they are mostly "out on the margin," the question will become one of how people are to receive income to be consumers.  In turn, without consumers, how will the production of goods and services continue to be  motivated and funded? 

            This is the old "underconsumption" or "purchasing power" problem that socialist thought raised for over a century without a good basis for it.  "Say's Law" -- that each producer's output provides the demand for what others produce, so that in the mutuality of multiple production there is no lack of demand -- was formulated early in the nineteenth century as part of the general classical liberal rebuttal to the many arguments that "the market can't work."  Say's Law made good sense and has certainly proved right about the working of modern economies.  Now, however, non-labor-intensive processes are coming in that will give the purchasing power shortfall a very real foundation unless we restructure things wisely.             

            Despite all the turmoil created over the past 20 years by "downsizing," displacement has been slight compared to that which will occur during the next few years.  This appears contradicted by the activity and demand for skills created today by science, technology and the expanding world economy.  What we need to grasp, though, is that the downsizings, layoffs and "early retirements" that we have seen in recent years are not passing phenomena.  They are early manifestations of a long-term secular tendency that will be of massive proportions.

 

            A centuries-long shift of human effort has taken place from agriculture into manufacturing and more recently into services.  Most of the world's population worked in agriculture until well into the Industrial Revolution; in fact, Sir James Goldsmith says 3.1 billion people worldwide still do to this day.[1]  With the rise of industry, people left the countryside and flooded into the newly emerging factory towns.  Where this has occurred, the result is truly astonishing: today only 2.5 percent of the American people are in agriculture while at the same time farm output exceeds all prior records.[2]  (It is true that a larger percentage are involved if "agriculture-related industries" are considered, but those who point to that as a seeming rebuttal appear to be evading the central fact.)  Now Paul Strassman tells us yet another astonishing development: that "with robots, factories can operate with less than 15% of the workforce."  This, in turn, has led to "an enormous expansion of employment in the service sector."[3]

            The move from manufacturing to services (while there has been a continuing increase, also, in manufacturing output) is demonstrated by Cohen and Zysman: "The data show a relentless decline in manufacturing employment, from about 50 percent of all jobs in 1950 down to about 20 percent now [1987], and an irresistible increase in service jobs, up to about 70 percent of all jobs."  Manufacturing in the United States had not increased its net employment at all since 1973.[4]  Business Week reported in 1994 that during the 1980s "the service sector accounted for practically all of the growth in jobs and corporate profits."[5]

            The other advanced economies have experienced much the same.  Jaroslaw Wieczorek reports that "in the United Kingdom, the share of manufacturing employment was 33 percent in 1900 and remained at more or less the same level until 1960... [but] by 1990, the share of manufacturing employment in the United Kingdom was barely half its 1956 level."  In Germany, "its share of 30 percent in 1990 seems relatively low compared with the 1969 peak of about 45 percent."[6]

 

            The shift from one sector to another and then to another has been a major fact of life for American blacks.  Rifkin tells us the story.  He says that northern manufacturing increasingly drew upon southern blacks after World War I when immigration was held in check.  World War II caused even more to migrate to the northern factory jobs for wartime production.  "Then, in October 1944, an event took place in the rural Mississippi delta that was forever to change the circumstances of African-Americans" -- the first display of the mechanical cotton picker, with each picker doing what 50 workers did before.  Within five years, six percent of the South's cotton was picked by the new machine; this jumped to 78 percent by 1964, and to 100 percent by 1972.  At the same time, farmers substituted chemical defoliants for chopping by hand.  The result of all these things was that "more than 5 million black men, women, and children migrated north in search of work between 1940 and 1970."  This, of course, was the classic shift from agriculture into manufacturing.  Unfortunately, the northern factories soon became automated and moved to the suburbs, leaving an "urban industrial proletariat" in the core cities.  Destitution and a declining tax base brought deterioration to the northern cities.  Services didn't really absorb the displaced black workers, except in governmental employment.  This is not the chapter in which we will discuss the effects of the displacement, but of course they were devastating.[7]  Angry voices sprang up, all of them missing the main point.  Alienated ideology among the black leadership and American liberals has blamed "racism" and the society at large, while conservatives like myself have understood the problem to be caused by the attitude of "victimology" spawned by that ideology, by welfare dependency caused by misplaced governmental paternalism, and by the collapse of the black sexual ethic and family.

 

            This is similar to the "peasant pressure" that has been a major part of modern history throughout the world.  Paul Kennedy tells how during the eighteenth century the major cities of Europe were "swelled by the drift of population from the countryside," creating a situation where Paris had grown to "between 600,00 and 700,000 people, including up to 100,000 vagrants -- combustible materials for a social explosion."  London increased from 575,000 in 1750 to 900,000 in 1801.[8]  Peasants poured into the newly-industrializing cities of late-nineteenth century Russia before the revolutions of 1905 and 1917, and into Tehran under the Shah before the Islamic fundamentalist backlash overthrew his pro-Western government.  The Hudson Institute reported in 1987 that "hundreds of millions of new workers [are] flooding into the cities of the developing world."[9]  William Greider says that "at the bottom of the global wage ladder is a seemingly inexhaustible supply of new recruits: peasants leaving the bleak circumstances of rural subsistence for the cash incomes offered by factory work."[10]  Brazil offers a graphic example, where its immense slums, the favelas, were created by the migration from the countryside when in the 1950s the small farmer was displaced by intensive agriculture.[11]

            Here is what Paul Kennedy says about the future of what I call  "peasant pressure": "In 1985 about 32 percent of the population of the developing world lived in urban areas, but that figure is expected to rise to 40 percent by 2000 and to around 57 percent in 2025."  He points to some astonishing figures about the density of population: already there are "143,000 per square mile in Lagos, Nigeria, and 130,000 per square mile in Djakarta, Indonesia, compared with New York's mere 11,400 per square mile."  As a result, "it seems unlikely that there will not be great waves of migration in the twenty-first century," with "enhanced efforts to control migration... unlikely to succeed in face of the momentous tilt in the global demographic balances."  Instead of migrating, some people may "retreat into fundamentalism and reject Western values (especially its conspicuous consumerism)."[12]  Readers who want a grippingly realistic portrayal of what mass migration of destitute millions can mean to Europe and America should read a book I recommended in the introductory chapter: Jean Raspail's novel The Camp of the Saints, which tells of a giant flotilla that leaves India and lands on the southern coast of France without opposition from a European public so besotted with intellectual, moral confusion that it has lost all will to survive.[13]

 

 

                                                      The specifics of displacement

 

Of farmers

            There is still more to say about agricultural displacement.  Rifkin tells us "new breakthroughs in the information and life sciences threaten to end much of outdoor farming by the middle decades of the coming century... leading to a world without farmers."[14]  Even before the indoor, factory-like farm comes to predominate, fields will be farmed by "sophisticated computerized robots."[15]  As Third World farmers become more efficient, farm production will multiply while at the same time hundreds of millions of people there will be displaced.  Paul Kennedy tells how genetically engineered soybean or rapeseed threatens to replace coconut oil, "upon [the export of] which one-quarter of the Philippine population is at least partially dependent."  He says the laboratory production of rubber could put some 16 million workers out of work in such rubber-producing countries as Indonesia and Malaysia.[16]  In Europe, according to Edward Yoxen and Vittorio Di Martino, the pressures from biotechnology are such that some farmers fear extinction.  Those authors say that accelerating farm technology is making productivity grow faster than demand, leading in Europe to falling land prices and ever fewer farms and farmers.[17]

 

Of workers

            Economic theory tells us that if wages are flexible there will, subject to some frictional disconnections, always be a demand for as many people as want to work.  In the next chapter, I will discuss the stagnation of incomes and the polarization of wealth as an alternative to unemployment.  For the present, it is enough for us to see the impact of the new technology on the jobs that have existed.  That impact has already been enormous even in its incipient stages.

            Tevi Troy at the Hudson Institute reported in May 1996 that "forty-three million jobs have been eliminated in the United States since 1979.  Many of these downsized workers cannot find other jobs and, when they do, find them at lower wages...."[18]  Wallace Peterson cites a study telling how in the United States between 1973 and 1986 a great many young males left the workforce altogether, disappearing from unemployment statistics.[19]

            Here are some specifics:

            .  In 1989, the Arizona Republic reported that "it takes 50 percent fewer man-hours to produce a ton of steel today than it did at the beginning of the 1980s."  That same year, the Sacramento Bee said the number of U.S. steelworkers had dropped from 400,000 in 1980 to 155,000 in 1989 -- even as production increased.[20]

            .  William Greider wrote in 1997 that "General Electric tripled its revenues and profits during the last fifteen years, while it shrank its worldwide workforce from 435,000 to 220,000."[21]

            .  Kevin Phillips tells how "General Motors announced that 15,000 of its 99,000 salaried positions would be eliminated between 1991 and 1993," and says that a million and a half American white-collar workers lost their jobs in the 1980s, a trend that would accelerate in the 1990s.[22]

            .  Alfred Balk says that "in mining, since World War II employment has fallen by 300,000 while production has risen by half.  In textiles, yardage has remained constant despite cutting 550,000 jobs."  "In 1987, Ford made 10 percent more cars than nine years earlier -- with 47 percent fewer production workers."  In the mid-1980s, "GM, in one restructuring, announced a cutback of 29,000 workers."[23]

            .  Greider tells how in the two decades between 1971 and 1991 the worldwide employment by "the world's 500 largest multinational corporations" remained flat at "around 26 million people" while their sales multiplied sevenfold.[24]  David Boaz of the Cato Institute says that during the 1980s "employment in the Fortune 500 fell by three-and-a-half million."[25]  In early 1996, Business Week reported a study by Harvard business school professor Nitin Nohria of 100 of the United States' largest companies; Nohria found that from 1978 to 1996 they laid off three million workers, 77 percent of them white-collar.  It was a net 22 percent of the companies' total workforce.[26]

            .  Fortune magazine cited the Hudson Institute in April 1996 as projecting a loss of 160,000 jobs during the next few years in utilities because of consolidations and restructurings.  The same article said "Deloitte & Touche's financial services consulting group estimates that 450,000 banking jobs will vanish over the next five to ten years," with the most vulnerable employees being "tellers, clerks, and their supervisors."[27]

            .  Jay Olnek tells how "U.S. flag merchant vessels employ[ed] 110,800 seamen" in 1947, compared to only 18,300 in 1981.[28]

            .  As to office work, Fred Block relates that "the initial period of computerization created large numbers of low-skilled data-entry jobs -- many of which have subsequently been eliminated with more sophisticated data-entry systems... Entering information with an optical scanner is already cheaper than hiring keypunchers in the Third World."[29]

            .  The Economist says "telephone operators are being replaced by voice-recognising computers, postal workers by address-reading machines, bank tellers by cash-dispensing machines that can handle ten times as many transactions in a day."[30]

            .  "Electronic synthesizers have markedly reduced employment possibilities for studio musicians," according to an ILO symposium.[31]

            .  The Clinton administration in the United States instituted a "national performance review" with the announced goal of cutting 252,000 government jobs, a goal that was later raised to 272,900.[32]  This has had a major impact on all federal government departments in the 1990s.

            .  Librarianship is included in an article in Mother Jones in October 1995 as among "professions facing extinction at the hands of machines over the next 20 years."[33]

            .  Even so obscure a profession as braille translator is going out.  A news report in July 1997 says "the demand for braille translation has declined... now that computer programs can translate mass publications.  The braille language for reading has been besieged by audio tapes, voice-recognition computers and other devices."[34]

            .  In early 1997, Jeanne Oliver reported in Insight that in France the unemployment rate had reached 12.6 percent.  "More than 1 million people have been out of work longer than a year, a number that is rising...Young people especially are hard hit... Nearly 25 percent of those between 18 and 25 are officially unemployed but the real figure is considered much higher.  Young people routinely are shunted into one training program after another, interspersed with short-term or part-time jobs.  The majority of them live with their families... Fear of unemployment also permeates France's management class...."[35]  

             

Of firms

            A vast churning is occurring among business firms, where the struggle to survive amid lowest-cost world competition leads to much desperate activity.  Larger-scale enterprises such as Wal-Mart, which has displaced countless small-town retailers, have succeeded, although they will soon be threatened themselves by direct consumer-factory transactions through the Internet.  At the same time, the new technology lends itself to tiny business units serving unique niche-markets.  Firms and production facilities fly to the places of lowest-cost labor, only to move again when a still-lower-cost location is found; by 1992, there were 1800 U.S. manufacturing facilities, with half a million workers, across the border in Mexico as part of Mexico's Maquiladora program.  MagneTek set up a 150,000-square-foot factory across the Rio Grande from Brownsville, Texas.  By 1992, no television sets were made in America; Zenith Corporation had just "turned out the lights" by moving the final production from Springfield, Missouri, to Reynosa, Mexico.[36] 

            Here are some additional specifics:

            .  The Kansas town of Winfield was hard-hit in January 1997 when crayon-maker Binney & Smith closed its plant after 44 years, shedding 345 of the city's highest-paying jobs.  The company's CEO explained that "improvements in automated machines had tripled production at the company's plant in Easton, Pa."  The Wichita Eagle said "the closing is the latest in a series of shutdowns that have devastated Cowley County in recent years."[37]

            .  IBM followed an employee-retention policy until competition forced the company to abandon it in the mid-1980s, after which the firm cut down from 405,000 workers to 225,000 by early 1996.[38]

            .  Sears "has shed 50,000 people during the 1990s," according to Fortune in the same 1996 article.

            .  AT&T, Fortune said, "employs roughly 300,000 -- and plans on reducing that number by two-thirds by 1998."

            .  In November 1997, Eastman Kodak announced it was cutting 10,000 jobs in the latest of a half-dozen restructurings that began in 1983.[39]

            .  The same day, Fruit of the Loom, Inc., told the press it will discard 2,900 workers in the United States, which is 19 percent of its workforce in the U.S., after already cutting 4,200 jobs in the preceding three months.  It will close its plant in Louisiana and move to lower-cost plants in other countries.  The news report said "Fruit of the Loom contended it has been forced by the North American Free Trade Agreement and a global trade accord to look for cheaper labor.  Workers at its American plants earn an average of $10 an hour; those overseas fetch as little as 35 cents an hour."[40]

            .  A news report on dairy farming in late 1996 spoke of a nationwide trend that "has been reducing dairies all over the country at a fairly steady rate for the last two decades."  It said "in 1995 and 1996 the trend has escalated steeply.  Nationally, there were 647,000 farms with milk cows in 1970, according to the Agriculture Statistics Service.  There were only 140,000 in 1995."  It speaks of "mega-dairy operations" that have taken the place of the small farm.[41]  Business Week says the same thing has happened in hog production.[42]

 

Of industries

            Whole industries are engaged in profound churning, with a struggle to survive similar to that of individuals and firms.

            .  Business Week in late 1995 told about the changes occurring in deep-water oil and gas production.  Large platforms costing almost $1 billion are giving way to automated production technology located on the ocean floor.  Pumps will get the oil and gas to shore.[43]

            .  In the steel industry, the minimills, which melt steel scrap, have become major competitors alongside the major steel companies.  "Their secret," according to Business Week, is "state-of-the-art technology, nonunion labor, and flexible mills near their markets."  At the same time, the large steel companies, after being protected by the Reagan administration's "voluntary restraint arrangements" limiting imports, have become competitive again by invested many billions of dollars in modernization and drastically cutting their workforce.[44]

            .  William Davidow refers to a "process of disintermediation -- getting rid of services that are in the middle."  This will go far toward eliminating wholesalers, retail stores, publications carrying advertising, travel agents, automobile dealers, stockbrokers, and even educational institutions.[45]  As this occurs, the present economy will change beyond recognition.

            .  Historian-businessman Otto Scott says "U.S. shipyards are gone: vanished into the mist of ‘free trade' that has turned so many U.S. heavy industries over to other countries and peoples.  The vessels that arrive in our ports are virtually all foreign-owned, built in foreign shipyards."[46]

            .  Although The Economist opines that "technology will never replace teachers,"[47] there is a real question of whether universities will continue to exist.  "Distance-learning" is coming in rapidly, with a great many educational suppliers beginning to compete through the Internet and interactive video.  They will offer students accredited courses, degrees and various credentials at a fraction of the present cost.  If, to speak hypothetically, a student can take a for-credit course on the "History of Western Civilization" from an Oxford professor, and receive Oxford credit, for $11 instead of a similar course from a local university for $300, who's to say that the latter won't be under threat of extinction? Parker Rossman says "millions of students take courses electronically, many scholars use electronic networks for global-scale research projects, and other signs point to the emergence of a worldwide electronic university."  The National University Teleconferencing Network was established as early as 1982 to offer programs by satellite.  Two years later the National Technological University was formed as a consortium of engineering departments, and offers degrees.  The "Mind Extension University" awards MBA degrees through cable television.  Rossman tells of research showing that distance-learning students do as well as students in classrooms.  He mentions that Herbert London of New York University predicts "the end of the university as most Americans picture it."[48] 

            The impact on university personnel is already apparent.  Business Week has reported a nationwide move to weaken tenure, saying it "is being driven as universities struggle with high costs."  Here's a fact worth noting: "Some 47% of university faculty now are part-timers, vs. 32% in 1980, according to the AAUP."[49]

            The challenge to public universities becomes especially clear when we consider that their funding has been based on "credit-hour production"; i.e., the number of students taught.  The funding of teaching has then carried with it, as if it were an incidental, the "community of scholars" that make up the heart and soul of a true university.  The professors do some teaching but mainly pursue a life of the mind.  If the teaching function disappears in a welter of electronic competition, will state legislatures make the leap from the old funding method to one that will simply pay to maintain the community of scholars as such?  Will contributors to private university endowments make the leap, too?  It is doubtful in both instances, since continued funding will require a higher level of appreciation of the scholarly function per se than probably exists.  My experience as a professor is that most friends think I am enjoying time off while I'm home writing a book or an article.

 

Of national economies

            Rifkin says that "vanilla is the most popular flavor in America" and that "in Madagascar alone, which produces more than 70 percent of the world's harvest [of vanilla], 70,000 peasant farmers rely on this single crop for their livelihood."  It has been discovered, however, that the expensive hand-pollination that goes into raising a vanilla orchard can be replaced by inexpensive gene-splicing techniques.  Vanilla can be made in large laboratory vats "by isolating the gene that codes for the vanilla protein and cloning it in a bacterial bath."  This makes the Madagascar farmers obsolete.[50]  In this we see a prototype of what is going to face the countries and peoples who are not high-tech.

 

 

                                            Will skilled and service jobs fill the void?

            When both high-skill tasks and services become non-labor-intensive, the displacement that has been in progress for centuries will have reached a culmination.  To those who fail to see this, high-tech and services are often looked to together as an inexhaustible frontier to absorb labor.  This reflects the faith of the free market devotee, whose philosophy tells him that in a market economy there will always be endless things to do, since scarcity is a given and human wants are infinite. 

            But is it true?

            Hardly.  If the principal services come to be performable with only minor, rather than mass, human effort, we get to what Rifkin calls "the end of work."  Edward Chase's review of Stanley Aronowitz and William DiFazio's The Jobless Future: Sci-Tech and the Dogma of Work says those authors "dismiss the lingering expectation that the high-tech era will ultimately provide more employment.  ‘The new technology has fewer parts and fewer workers and produces more product.  This is true not only in traditional production industries but for all workers, including managers and technical workers.'"[51]

 

            Many services are coming to require less human effort, as our review of the displacement has already shown.  A quick scan of the following developments will underscore that many services are becoming unneeded and that whatever takes their place is not likely to require mass human effort either:

            .  Fred Block points out that "the initial period of computerization created large numbers of low-skilled data-entry jobs," but that many "have subsequently been eliminated with more sophisticated data-entry systems."  

            .  He cites J. David Roessner's The Impact of Office Automation in Clerical Employment, 1985-2000 to the effect that clerical jobs in the banking industry will have declined by 30 percent between 1985 and 2000. 

            .  Keypunch jobs might for a while be exported to low-wage countries, but this won't be for long.  He says that "entering information with an optical scanner is already cheaper than hiring keypunchers in the Third World."[52] 

            .  Matzner and Wagner say that in the manufacture of an aircraft wing "software gauges, computer-controlled coordinate measuring machine [sic] may cut hundreds or thousands of hours from inspection tasks...."[53]  [This is an example that illustrates, too, the gray area that has come into being between services and manufacture.  How do you count "inspection"?] 

            .  The same authors talk about computer-aided drafting's replacing manual drawing in architectural firms.  Productivity rises sharply, "sometimes by factors of ten or more."[54]

            .  Middle-management and staff positions are disappearing.  Writing in 1994, Wallace Peterson says that "since mid-1980, over two million middle-management jobs have been permanently eliminated."[55]  Murray Weidenbaum tells how "when senior executives can receive up-to-the-minute information on a computer screen on their desks, a cadre of middle managers and corporate staffers is no longer needed to collect and interpret that information."[56]

            .  Because firms are becoming able to interface with their customers by online telecommunications, Harald Malmgren foresees a drastic reduction in the sales forces of large businesses.[57]  The skills needed in retailing "are being reduced as a result of the computer-mediated centralization of the information process," according to Ken Ducatel.[58]  Wholesalers, too, "are becoming redundant" as large marketing firms and even consumers deal directly with the factory.[59]

 

            What about high-tech?  It will continue to employ a rush of new talent to feed its rapid development and implementation.  This need will be so great that for many years there will be vast opportunity there for those with the intelligence and aptitude.  Because rapid innovation will remain a feature of society unless we allow our civilization to fall apart under the pressure of all this, new opportunities will continue to arise in perpetuity for such people.  But high technology's long-term tendency is to make its own workforce redundant.  The present technology will be non-labor-intensive itself once it reaches maturity, and later innovations are likely to be non-labor-intensive as well.  As the technology becomes self-automated and "user friendly," fewer skills are needed to run it, so that less high-skilled labor is required.  This is referred to in the literature as "de-skilling."  Harald Malmgren says that "production systems that become possible with CIM [computer integrated manufacturing] (such as robotics, automated transfer, laser processing, and new techniques for precision forming and shaping) will tend to reduce the significance of labor...."[60]  

            The Economist says that "even the skilled are at risk.  Already, clever computer programs can diagnose some illnesses just as well as doctors can.  A robot that will perform hip replacements is under development in California.  Some American companies are using Resumix, a computerised hiring system, to screen job applicants.  In 1993, a ‘computer-generated' novel was deemed no worse than hundreds of humanly crafted love stories published each year."[61]

            In our discussion of the processes causing the displacement in Chapter 10 we will see that the worldwide flight to low-pay sources of labor affects the high-skilled as well as the low-skilled (but that it won't be long before even the low-pay workforces of either type are eclipsed by even-lower-cost technology).  Otto Scott confirms this when he says "the industrial migration that began with steel and the garment industries, automotives, aeronautics, shipbuilding and mining among others is now moving to computer chips, computer programming and equipment design centers in China, India, Singapore, Hong Kong, Taiwan and Australia -- and South America."[62]

 

            From all this, it would seem that there is a strong empirical case, under impending circumstances, against the faith of those who hold that there will always be inexhaustible sources of work.  The ready rebuttal is that "no one has ever been able to foresee what will occupy people in future generations."  Along these lines, Peter Huber argues that "technology does indeed transform the nature of work... But it doesn't end it... Rifkin... allows for no happy surprises, no unexpectedly favorable developments, no unanticipated opportunities for new kinds of workers."[63]  My philosophy professor from years ago, John Nelson at the University of Colorado, writes me with a similar expectation: "The bottomlessness of men's appetites, their technological inventiveness, their past accumulations of wealth or capital, the same effects can plausibly be maintained to hold good now as in the past... Inventors producing, through further innovations in technology and design, new goods and thus new appetites and their satisfaction."[64]

            What this rebuttal misses is that we have never before seen a situation in which every field of endeavor will potentially be met by a technology that minimizes work.  The situation is sui generis.  We don't have to engage in the "lump of labor fallacy" (the simplistic view that there is just a fixed amount of work to be done in the world) to realize this.  There are no doubt vast future undertakings that human beings will adventure upon, including space and perhaps oceanic colonization.  There is no end to the things that need doing just to bring everybody in the world up to the existing standard of living in the developed countries, much less to the standard that is visible even today as a potential.  So there is no thought of having a fixed amount of things to do.  The question is whether they will employ hundreds of millions, even billions, of people.  The president of one of Europe's conglomerates was on the mark recently when he asked, "Tell me where?  In what jobs?  In what cities?  Which companies?"[65]

 

            The easiest and most common recourse is to say that "people must train themselves to be highly skilled, to work flexibly and to be comfortable with considerable insecurity."  Today's literature is filled with this prescription.  But it is wishful thinking, engaged in by commentators who seem willing to grasp at any straw or to think only incompletely about a problem.  They are excellent people, but they forget two fundamentals: (a) First, that half the members of the human race are below 100 in I.Q. and have always found employment in repetitive tasks.  These are people who have little aptitude for flexibility and little tolerance for ambiguity.  It is no slur against them to point this out; it does not reflect upon their character or worth as human beings.  But it does negate the expectation that they can en masse "turn to high-skill training" and take jobs where they are counted on to make complex decisions as masters of advanced technology.  (b) Second, that there just won't be enough high-skilled work, under any conceivable scenario, for billions of people to perform.  There won't be that much to occupy the citizenry even in one of the advanced economies, much less in the less developed countries.

 

 

                                                                   ENDNOTES

 



[1].  Sir James Goldsmith, The Trap (New York: Carroll & Graf Publishers, Inc., 1995), p. 106.

[2].  Wallace C. Peterson, Silent Depression (New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 1994), p. 193.

[3].  Paul A. Strassman, Information Payoff: The Transformation of Work in the Electronic Age (New York: The Free Press, 1985), p. 215.

[4].  Stephen S. Cohen and John Zysman, Manufacturing Matters: The Myth of the Post-Industrial Economy (New York: Basic Books, Inc., Publishers, 1987), p. 54.  See p. 13 for their statement that agricultural production has increased immensely.

[5].  Business Week, "The Information Revolution 1994," p. 22.

[6].  Jaroslaw Wieczorek, "Sectoral Trends in World Employment and the Shift Toward Services," International Labour Review, Vol. 134, 1995, No. 2, p. 216.

[7].  Jeremy Rifkin, The End of Work (New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1995), pp. 70-80.

[8].  Paul Kennedy, Preparing for the Twenty-First Century (New York: Random House, 1993), p. 4.

[9].  Workforce 2000 (Indianapolis: Hudson Institute, 1987), p. 8. 

[10].  William Greider, One World, Ready or Not (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1997), p. 70.

[11].  Goldsmith, The Trap, pp. 104-5, citing Jose Lutzenberger, a former Environment Minister for Brazil.

[12].  Kennedy, Preparing..., pp. 26, 44, 45, 63.

[13].  Jean Raspail, The Camp of the Saints (Petoskey, MI: The Social Contract Press, fourth American edition 1987), first published in 1973.

[14].  Rifkin, End of Work, p. 109.

[15].  Rifkin, End of Work, p. 110.

[16].  Kennedy, Preparing for..., p. 80.

[17].  Edward Yoxen and Vittorio Di Martino, ed.s, Biotechnology in Future Society: Scenarios and Options for Europe (Luxembourg: Office for Official Publications of the European Communities, 1989), pp. 6, 11.

[18].  Tevi Troy, "U.S. job options still exist," Wichita Eagle, May 20, 1996.