[This is Chapter Ten of Murphey’s book Socialist Thought.]

Chapter 10

RELATIVISM AS A MEANS OF ATTACK

            "Relativism" is hard to define with precision.  The distinction between relativist and non-relativist value systems and ways of thinking is more a continuum than an absolute polarity.

            Someone is generally not considered a relativist if he states a value or a descriptive law and expects it to hold good over a long period of time and for a broad range of varying situations. This is especially true if he asserts a theological, metaphysical or axiomatic "stamp of authority" to give it a special claim to legitimacy and permanence.

            The relativist, on the other hand, will acknowledge the limitations that apply to a value or a descriptive statement. He will point to how contingent it is upon a certain set of circumstances or assumptions, emphasizing that circumstances invariably change and that assumptions can become irrelevant to actual conditions. Knowledge and values are seen as contingent and somewhat transitory. The relativist also has far less tendency to claim the imprimatur of a permanent validating stamp, such as from God or Nature or a set of “self-evident” axioms.

            Difficulty arises from there being gradations between the two tendencies. Is a descriptive Law in economics, say, which claims to be valid for all time, but which by its own terms applies only if several preconditions are present that may more or less remove it forever from actual application in a given society, consistent with relativism or non-relativism? It has ingredients of both. I am thinking of such a thing as Gresham's Law, which describes market behavior under a bimetallic monetary standard when certain conditions exist. If the Law did not itself articulate its limiting assumptions, someone would quickly prove himself a "relativist" by pointing them out. Since the Law itself incorporates them, I would have a hard time classifying it either way.

            If a thinker puts forth claims, such as Ludwig von Mises did in writing about a market economy, that such a law is a theorem deduced from a priori categories of "human action" that serve as axioms for a "purely deductive science of praxeology," such claims are clearly toward the non-relativistic end of the continuum.

            An exhaustive discussion of the definitional issues is not, however, necessary for what I am about to say in this chapter. It is enough if I have given the reader an overall notion of what I am talking about when I use the word "relativism."

            I will discuss the role of relativism in socialist thought; but to keep the subject in proper perspective it is important to start with an awareness that relativism is an inherent part of the predominant tendencies of modern thought for at least two reasons that are totally apart from socialist ideology.

            The first of these is that the development of rapid communications and travel, with their world-shrinking effects, necessarily militates against any mode of thought that is narrowly local and provincial. Just as the insularity of the Roman Republic was broken when influences came in from the conquered areas of the Mediterranean world and ideas began to flow toward Rome from Greece, everything based on custom or tradition or rote acceptance of values and ideas from a particular culture comes into question when the world opens up and can be seen in all its multiplicity.

            The second is similar to the first. It is that the great empirical emphasis that has been so important to modern thought inherently leads toward a relativistic perspective.

            It would be hard to imagine that an anthropologist could make cross-cultural studies of, say, New Guinea, Finland, Ecuador and Canada (not to mention such cultures from the past as those of ancient Egypt, Troy and Carthage) without being impressed by the variety of human institutions, values, modes of thought, and styles of life. Such studies would tend to wash away all provincialism within him. He would know as a matter of course that much that exists in human life is rooted in, arid contingent upon, a certain time and place. Thus he would tend to be a relativist, as something totally apart from being a socialist or holding to any other social philosophy.

            This isn't to suggest that an anthropologist's relativism can't be overridden by other factors: an Islamic social scientist may well see, for example, the steady hand of Allah behind all of the seemingly disparate phenomena. Nor do I suggest that there are not, in fact, constants that lie underneath the surface of the variety. Neither side, it seems to me, was fully correct in the ancient argument between Heraclitus, who held that everything amounts to perpetual flux, and Parmenides, who held that, despite appearances, nothing ever really changes. Nevertheless, empiricism opens quite widely a window toward the recognition of variety, and hence lends itself to relativism. 

 

            There has also been a pronounced tendency within modern scientific thought to be fully conscious of the epistemological role of the observer. We see this in Descartes' Cogito, ergo sum, which is radically egocentric; in Einstein's Theory of Relativity; and in Heisenberg's "Uncertainty Principle." In the absence of truths "set down from on high," modern thought has come to appreciate that the problem of knowledge is one faced by the individual human mind. Reality, it knows, can be approached in no other way by human beings. Needless to say, this is radically relativistic.

 

            Closely related to this is the aspect of modern thought that has seen the usefulness of eliminating lines of inquiry that raise issues but that have no way of resolving those issues. This insight has not been universally held and has been violated by several important branches of fashionable thought even during the twentieth century, but the philosophers of scientific method make an essential point, it seems to me, when they say that humanity has much to gain from economizing its intellectual effort, focusing only on those things that lend themselves to some measure of proof or disproof.

 

            I myself am a relativist in these senses suggested by modern empiricism. I wouldn't have a thinker cling to anything as a matter of provincialism, even though I see that there is a valuable social cement in certain situations when most people do that. Nor do I fail to see the contingency and transitory nature of much that we prefer to consider universal and permanent. I am also strongly committed to the soundness of epistemological individualism, with its stress on the role of the observer, and to the value of eliminating the purely speculative realms of inquiry. But my views on these things are a far cry from my being willing to use relativism as a debunking mechanism as so much modern thought, especially coming from the Left, has done. To me, relativism is appropriately used as a positive orientation that is conducive to the most fruitful thought; it does not suggest to me that a given set of ideas or institutions are necessarily without value because there are cultural alternatives or because they don't fit into some form of reductionist thinking.

            It has been important to note the valid uses of relativism and their relationship to modern thought.  We should keep them in mind as we look at how greatly relativism has been used by the Left and by several major "schools" of thought as a debunking mechanism.

            Socialist thought has wanted modern society to change direction quite fundamentally. To effect large-scale social change, it becomes useful (a) to induce the people within the existing society to acknowledge the existence of one or more alternative systems, which is something difficult to do since people tend to accept existing forms uncritically; and (b) to weaken or even demolish the attachment people have to the existing forms.

            Later we will notice how some members of the Left, as well as of the anti-bourgeois Right, have articulated non-relativistic positions and have not relied upon relativistic arguments. They have made a straight-forward argument in support of their alternative system. It is apparent, however, that from the point of view of the predominant society even this introduces an inherently relativistic element. Anyone who proposes a radical alternative to existing society is necessarily "standing outside of" the present culture, refusing to accept its premises.

            Relativism necessarily becomes more explicit when obviously relativistic arguments are used. One of these is cross-cultural. It says that "you owe no loyalty to the values, institutions and perceptions of this society because they are nothing more than 'artificial constructs.' They are no better than their alternatives, since other societies address the same human issues in very different ways."

            Yet another form of relativism involves the use of methodological reductionism; i.e., the adoption of an intellectual method that radically excludes all modes of legitimation other than the one preferred by the debunker. When positivism is used as a weapon, it plays this role. It can be used as a way of undercutting a society's system of beliefs, since no society can justify itself entirely on empirical, experimentalist grounds.

            The various debunking relativisms involve recurrent themes. The thinker stands outside the culture stressing the value of social change. This preoccupies him just as much as tradition has preoccupied the cultural conservative. An important offshoot of this has been the modern emphasis on "historical method" as we have seen it in both Marxism and the German Historical School. Society is seen to be in perpetual transition from phase to phase, at least until it reaches whatever form the particular thinker prefers.

            Before we review the specific arguments that socialist authors have made, it will be worthwhile to discuss the differences between the valid uses of relativism, which I have indicated I myself favor, and the spurious ones. One of the weaknesses of the modern mentality has been that there has been too little consciousness of what is and what is not appropriate about relativism.

1.      We should first notice the problems that are inherent in "standing outside a culture" and attacking its foundations. To do this presupposes a hierarchy of values very different from the average person's. (a) The existing culture is devalued, probably because of alienation, to the point that it is given little weight as something worth preserving.  (b) Great weight is bestowed upon whatever the alternative is perceived to be.

            This has been the characteristic position of the radical intelligentsia during the past century and a half. Viewed in the abstract, it is not invalid per se, since we can imagine circumstances in which it is justifiable. But as applied to the advanced liberal civilization in Europe and America during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, it deserves to be considered sheer nihilism. The presumptuousness it involves makes it perhaps the best illustration we can find of intellectual conceit. It willingly invokes risks that are enormous in comparison to the speculative gains that are hoped for, and in so doing should to be considered to endow its proponent with a large measure of responsibility for the horrors that result, even though he may plead he didn't foresee them. The radical negation of an advanced and liberal society is a phenomenon born out of a loss of balance in values, which is the very definition of fanaticism. This is so even when it is dressed in the refinements of a polished writing style.

2.      Secondly, the types of cross-cultural arguments that assert that "the existing norms are just artificial constructs, since other peoples don’t share them" tend almost invariably to end as non sequiturs. The conclusion that "you have no reason to continue your loyalty" simply does not follow from the observation that the objects of loyalty are cultural artifacts that other cultures don't all share.

            To justify a conclusion that loyalty should be withdrawn from existing forms, the relativist is obliged to take his argument at least one step further; and those who use relativism as an ideological weapon almost invariably don't do this. They are content to shake the foundations of the other person's beliefs by unmasking the fact that the person has probably held to those beliefs out of an uncritical provincialism. What the relativist ought to be doing is to go further, into a consideration of the merits of the cultural forms he is attacking. To negate them properly, he must show that those forms are unsatisfactory in their service to human values either as ends in themselves or as means to ends.  A part of the evaluation of the merits should be a realization that the existence of a consensus among a group of  people is itself a value, not to be taken lightly.

            If by such an analysis on the merits it were found that the forms of the existing society are in fact highly serviceable to the broad range of civilized human values, it would be totally beside the point that they are the "constructs" of a given culture and are not shared by other cultures. This has got to be the main question; relativism cannot validly be a substitute for considering means and ends. Recourse must be made to the political, social and economic philosophies, which make such questions their concern. It is only when questions are confronted directly and honestly that a decision can be made about whether a given set of cultural forms is worthwhile or not. Relativism is certainly useful to the extent it opens these things for discussion, but it engages in non-sequiturs when it preempts that discussion.

 

            This was illustrated well by the argument that was so common during the 1970s from the feminist movement. The point was repeated over and over again that "the role assignments of the sexes are arbitrary social structurings."  This was presented as though it were a sufficient refutation of those role assignments.  And indeed it worked very effectively, since most people accepted it as uncritically as they accepted the role assignments in the first place.  An interesting void in feminist literature comes from its failure to discuss the roles on their merits as part of a consideration of the diverse purposes a civilized society seeks to serve.

3.      We need to consider next the validity of reductionist arguments. When all modes of thought are negated except one, such as when Marxism denies the value of everything except class analysis or when positivism in its more radical forms denies everything except what is strictly observable and experimental, the effect is nihilistic, since this involves an unreasonable extension of the otherwise desirable wish to eliminate unproductive modes of inquiry. The "baby is thrown out with the bath water."

 

This is not the time to discuss epistemology in detail, but it has become increasingly clear to me over the years that the methodological options open to human thought lie on a continuum. At one end, empirical and experimental methods offer the most rigorous assurance of connectedness to reality. At the other end, there are the many purely subjective and speculative discussions that offer no standard of proof whatsoever. In between, there is the vast realm of what is neither fully verifiable nor totally speculative. The decision about what sort of intellectual activity we are willing to engage in along the continuum is itself logically prior to a use of any one of the methodologies to critique the others. It is a decision we must make partly as a matter of values, partly as a result of the ontological assumptions we have already come to hold. In a sense, epistemology precedes ontology, since we know reality only through our modes of inquiry; but it is also true that our notions about reality must affect our choices about modes of inquiry.

There is, in my opinion, great value in denying the efficacy of the more remote methodologies that would keep mankind arguing forever about how many angels can dance on the head of a pin. But what are we to say about analyses such as the one I am making in this series of books? My analysis is a combination of non-experimental empirical observation and judgment. I don't claim any sort of theological or metaphysical “validating stamp” for what I am saying. Is it wise for mankind to do without this type of inquiry? To attempt to do so is not, in my opinion, a justifiable decision about the epistemological options. In deciding what we will accept along the continuum, we have to make judgments based, as much as we can, on an informed opinion about what is necessary and fruitful, but without committing ourselves to endless wheel-spinning.

      High school debates I have judged during recent years have given me a good example of the inanity of too circumscribed a choice. The national debate topics in the United States for several years have almost invariably taken the form of "Resolved, that the federal government should take exclusive jurisdiction over" one area or another of our national life. I have often asked the debaters why it is that their arguments are strictly quantitative, focusing entirely on such functional desiderata as budget and taxation instead of using insights from social philosophy about values and cause-and-effect. They have told me that it is because they are advised that judges generally will not give them any points for such qualitative arguments. The result is that the debates are peculiarly sterile, missing what is most important. Somehow a radical positivism has impressed itself onto the national debate program.

Specific Uses of Relativism as a Debunking Mechanism

            In what follows, I will discuss several of the ways in which the anti-bourgeois philosophies of the Left and Right have used relativism as a means of attack. 

            1. Standing outside the existing culture.

            It has often seemed to me that there is a certain amount of arbitrary "puffing up" (Ayn Rand’s “moral counterfeiting”) going on when a thinker is lavished with credit for being the source of an idea that was obviously going to result from his historic situation anyway. Just the same, if we were to identify the towering figure who first "stood outside" of modern society negating its fundamental premises, it would be Jean Jacques Rousseau in the middle of the eighteenth century.

            In his Discourse on Inequality, Rousseau allowed himself to stand completely outside the society in which he lived.  He critiqued it by a comparison with what he perceived to be the much simpler human condition that existed in the "state of nature. Thus he used his postulate about the "state of nature" as the basis for an unfavorable cross-cultural analysis.

            I don't find that he idealized his "state of nature" nearly as much as many of his followers have. He had little to say about primitive man's supposed "brotherliness" or "dedication to communal effort," such as we find in the writings of such of his followers as Veblen and Marcuse. Rousseau's argument consisted of a frivolous tautology: that while man was a beast, he had no problems, just as a lion, who lives without memory of yesterday and without contemplation of tomorrow, as no problems.

            Oddly, he used even this meager observation as the standard by which to eviscerate modern society. He said in his Discourse:

            "The first man who, having enclosed a piece of ground, bethought himself of saying This is mine, and found people simple enough to believe him, was the real founder of civil society. From how many crimes, wars and murders, from how many horrors and misfortunes might not any one have saved mankind, by pulling up the stakes, or filling the ditch, and crying to his fellows, ‘Beware of listening to this impostor; you are undone if you once forget that the fruits of the earth belong to us all, and the earth itself to nobody.’... Civilized man is always moving, sweating, toiling and racking his brains to find still more laborious occupations: he goes on in drudgery to his last moment...(A)s there is hardly any inequality in the state of nature, all the inequality which now prevails owes its strength and growth to the development of our faculties and the advance of the human mind, and becomes at last permanent and legitimate by the establishment of property and laws."1

            During the two centuries since Rousseau, this posture of completely separating oneself from the existing culture has been a commonplace with social commentators who have continued Rousseau's negation. Probably the most extreme repudiation of civilized society I have read has been New Left author Theodore Roszak's Where the Wasteland Ends, published in 1.972.  Picking up on the anti-modernist Romanticism that was so much a part of German and English thought in the early nineteenth century, Roszak argued that mankind made its mistake when it rose up off all fours! This made people unduly cerebral.

            In the same year Rousseau published his Discourse (1755), the socialist author Morelly took a position similar to Rousseau's. In his Code of Nature, Morelly saw property as the root of all evil: "If you were to take away property... there would be no more... notions... of moral evil."2

            2. Denial of fixed theory. It is obvious that no one, socialist and non-socialist alike, can exist in society without extensive concepts about what life is like, what is valuable and what is not, and how things link together through cause-and-effect. We all mediate the social reality around us through extensive worldviews. This is so even if someone is not conscious that he is using such theory.

            Nevertheless, it has been a fashionable relativistic weapon to deny any role to "theory." This is ideologically useful because it is a way to "do without the already-accepted theories" which the thinker is trying to leave behind. When we review such schools of thought as pragmatism, positivism and relativistic jurisprudence, we will see that they have relied upon this method heavily. In Behaviorism it is what led John Watson to deny even the existence of human consciousness, which he called a myth! -- and B. F. Skinner to bypass any consideration of it. Such artifices negate enormous realms of earlier inquiry.

            In his foreword to Benito Mussolini's autobiography, Richard Child remarked favorably that “Mussolini, as I have learned to know him, is an opportunist in the sense that he believes that mankind itself must be fitted to changing conditions rather than to fixed theories.”3

            Werner Sombart, during his Nazi phase, was willing to discard theory:  “For the sake of Germany’s greatness, power and glory, we will gladly sacrifice every 'theory' and every 'principle,' whether it bears a liberal or any other stamp.”4 This is a remarkable statement for someone who dealt in theory all his life.

            I will devote a section to the Marxist rejection of bourgeois theory, including such concepts as liberty, equality and morality. Marxism asserts on overarching theory of history that alleges that all other theories are rationalizations of particular class interests.

3.  Ethical relativism: the attack on “the bourgeois ethic.” A sizeable portion of modern ethical theory has attacked the main body of conventional norms, which it describes relativistically as just a "bourgeois" rather than a universal ethic. There is frequent denial of the validity of any predefined behavioral code. This operates in much the same way as the denial of theory.

The entry on Hegel in the Encyclopedia of Philosophy says that Hegel, in his "The Spirit of Christianity," disliked Judaism because of its code of laws. He preferred what he saw to be Jesus' transcendence of a code of laws with an internalized spirit of love. Thus in Hegel we can see a forerunner of the "situation ethics" that was later advanced by Joseph Fletcher and subscribed to by the theologian Paul Tillich. There is a negation of all conventional ethics in an argument that ethical decisions should all be patterned to each situation by use of an immanent principle such as "love." Codes of ethics, socially enforced, are denied any place. "Love liberates us from the bondage of absolute ethical traditions," Tillich was glad to say.5  It is a mistake to think of this as mainly an affirmative ethical position; what is most important to it is that it makes possible a negation of virtually all prior ethical theory and codified prescriptions of conduct.

Herbert Read, an anarchist, wrote that "we can avoid all coercive codes of morality, all formal conceptions of  'right' and 'wrong.'  For a morality of obedience we can substitute a morality of attachment or reciprocity, that living together in perfect charity which was once the ideal of Christianity."6  Krimerman and Perry say about the anarchist Kropotkin that "he proposes that ethics be completely individualized... Instead of defining morality as a set of obligatory imperatives, it stresses the state of' character underlying and expressed by moral decision."7

The British socialist G. D. H. Cole wrote that "there is no such thing as an absolutely valid moral rule which says 'thou shalt not do such and such a thing' or 'thou shalt do such and such a thing.'"8 Leon Trotsky in Russia said in his autobiography that "there are no absolute rules of conduct, either in peace or in war. Everything depends upon circumstances."9

To understand why this is important to socialist theory it is necessary to recall how vital a code of ethics is to classical liberalism. An individualistic society, not pressing closely upon the individual with overtly coercive constraints, relies upon the social cement provided by ethical norms. These norms are socially established and become internalized within each individual through the development of "self-discipline."  Various socialist authors say quite openly that their denial of ethical codes is motivated by their opposition to what they relativistically call "middle class values," the "Protestant work ethic," and the like. This is apparent, for example, when Morris Cohen says that "it is the Puritanic feeling of responsibility which has blighted our art and philosophy and has made us as a people unskilled in the art of enjoying life."10

The New Left championed a "do your own thing" conception of "freedom." Although many people didn’t understand the difference, this was clearly at odds with the classical liberal idea of individual liberty, which is built upon personal responsibility, not its negation.

An anarchistic view of ethical freedom is an effective lever against "middle class ethics." We have reason to doubt, though, whether it would be a permanent part of collectivist theory.

4.  The Marxist rejection of "bourgeois" concepts of freedom, equality and morality.  Lenin wrote that “general talk about freedom, equality and democracy is in fact but a stereotyped repetition of conceptions which actually derive from the relations of commodity production."11  This states succinctly the basic Marxist position that all such concepts relate relativistically to the system of production and its resulting class divisions.

Lenin expounded upon the implications of this negation: "To attempt to solve the concrete problems of the dictatorship of the proletariat by means of such general talk is to accept the theories and principles of the bourgeoisie all along the line. From the point of view of the proletariat, the question can be put only in the following way:  Freedom from the oppression of which class? Equality between which classes? Democracy based on private ownership of the means of production, or on the struggle for its abolition? -- and so forth."

He posed the question "In what sense do we repudiate ethics and morality?" and answered with "In the sense that they were preached by the bourgeoisie... (who) spoke in the name of God in order to pursue their own exploiters' interests."

Lewis S. Feuer says that Engels wrote that there was "no such thing as a universalistic moral sense that transcended the systems of class ethics."12

Irving Fetscher says in Socialist Humanism that "Marx's critique demonstrated the historical basis of the liberal concept of freedom and showed that it remained confined within the socially and temporally limited horizon of bourgeois thought."13  Similarly, Ernst Bloch commented in the same book that "the bourgeois freedoms are more bourgeois than free."14

5. The Methodenstreit; the attack on classical economics. When such a nineteenth century political economist as James Mill wrote about economics, he laid out his theory as a series of laws and theorems. To him, economics was a deductive science possessing considerable rigor and having more than just passing validity.

The German Historical School argued against any such claims during the "Methodenstreit," the argument over method that burned so brightly between it and the Austrian School of Economics in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Society, the Historical School said, passes through phases; and what is descriptive of human relations during one phase has no necessary relevance to any other phase. Accordingly, economics as developed by the classical and neo-classical economists was nothing more than a description of how things work during the passing "bourgeois" phase.

From my earlier comments about when relativism is valid and when it is not, the reader can anticipate that I have some agreement with this view. I think that the theory of the market is based on the assumption of a certain type of society, with its attendant laws, mores and institutions. Where I differ from the German Historical School on this point is in not wanting to rush off to a different form of society. The theory of the market has more than passing value to me because a market economy is something I want us to preserve.

I have had students who have thought that a reference to something "as long ago as" the Methodenstreit obviously has no bearing on anything current. They should consider, however, the following statement in Michael Harrington's book Socialism, published in 1970: "The bourgeois economists attempted, honestly and straightforwardly, to explain how the economy worked. But they made the assumption that the capitalism they confronted was an expression of human nature rather than a transitory system. Their science was 'bourgeois,' not in the sense of having sold itself to capitalist bidders, but because its basic assumption would not permit it to see beyond the bourgeois order."l5  This is pure German Historical School.

6. Relativism in jurisprudence.  In The Constitution of Liberty, Friedrich Hayek described four relativistic movements in modern jurisprudence that have attacked the Rule of Law, one of the mainstays of the classical liberal model.

Referring to the school known as ''jurisprudence of interest," he said that "at least in its more radical forms it wanted to get away from the kind of logical construction which is involved in the decision of disputes by the application of strict rules of law." About the "free law" school, Hayek wrote that it concerned itself mainly with criminal law and that "its objective was to free the judge as far as possible from the shackles of fixed rules."16

He said about "historicism" that it led to "an extreme relativism" that claimed that we can transcend the views of our own time and "remake our institutions." And about "legal positivism" he pointed out that it has denied that there is a non-human source of law and has asserted instead that all law is the product of human will. Placing it in the context of German intellectuality in the second half of the nineteenth and the early twentieth centuries, Hayek pointed out how legal positivism was used to justify anything the State chose to do. Thus it happened that "in Hitler Germany and in Fascist Italy, as well as in Russia, it came to be believed that under the rule of law the state was 'unfree,' ...and that, in order to act 'justly, ' it must be released from the fetters of abstract rules."

Hayek's summary is confirmed when we read, for example, the writings of Carl Schmitt, a Nazi. Schmitt spoke of the "hostility to the state that is at the core of the liberal antithesis of law and politics," and went on to say that "the idea that a judge is normatively bound to a law has today become theoretically and practically untenable in many fields of practical jurisprudence."l7  Such a view freed the state to work its will.  The desire for such a system is rooted in the collectivist ethos: "National Socialism does not recognize a separate individual sphere which, apart from the community, is to be painstakingly protected from any interference by the state," Wilhelm Stuckart, another Nazi, was able to say.l8

The attack on established rules of law and of constitutionalism has been conducted in the United States as a major imperative of modern liberalism, which has wanted to free the federal government from the classical liberal Constitutional limitations that so long stood in the way of social democratic legislation. The change to "flexible law" was attained during the New Deal.  I will discuss this in my book on modern liberalism.

7.      Relativism in education. There has been a significant ideological ingredient in the modern theories of "progressive" and "unstructured" education.

Classical liberalism, identifying with the existing culture, wants education to reproduce that culture in each ensuing generation.  It also wants the culture's values and norms to become, through education, internalized within each individual.  As an instrument of social change, but not necessarily as what it will favor when it has its own society to produce, the Left has wanted to loosen all such ties.  This conflict between the major ideological systems lies behind the tension over educational philosophy and method.

Rousseau was again the originator of the relativism. He considered the existing stock of wisdom "slavish prejudice." He wanted education to get away from established principles, norms and theory. "True education," he wrote in Emile, his book on education, "consists less in precept than in practice."19

The anarchist Bayard Boyeson has said it even more clearly: "The personality of the child, during the sensitive and hazardous years of early youth, must be kept free from the intrusive hands of those who would mould and fashion it according to preconceived models."20

 

8. Relativism as to the family and the sexes.  The modern feminist movement has been the result of many factors in the secular development of our society. Most have had nothing to do with the alienation or the Left.  But even though this is true, anyone who wants a complete understanding of feminism must become aware that the Left has played an important role.  In the Communist Manifesto, Marx excoriated marriage as a form of bourgeois prostitution; and a fair amount of anarchist and New Left writing has contained attacks on monogamous marriage. Socialist societies have no necessary predilection toward "free sex" theories once they are established, but again we see that the Left, seeking ways for radical change, attacks all of the foundations of bourgeois society.

I have included a lengthy discussion of the role of marriage and sexual differentiation in my book Modern Social and Political Philosophies: Burkean Conservatism and Classical Liberalism. They constitute important building blocks for a classical liberal society.

 

9. Relativism in art.  Bourgeois art reflects everyday life, is democratic in content, and often expresses aspirations toward ennoblement.  It is "normal art," comprehensible to artist and viewer alike. That this is not descriptive of the great run of art in the twentieth century is indicative of how much the artistic community has been part of the alienated subculture. To a large degree, art has been used as a vehicle for anger and belittlement, and as a way to dissolve earlier artistic sensibilities.  Kenneth Coutts-Smith captured the essence of it in his book on Dadaism when he wrote that "art was the symbol of bourgeois culture that was to be unrelentingly attacked."21

An irony that could provide real grist for a contemporary satirist is how readily the predominant society, in its ignorance on all these things and its desire to appear sophisticated, has embraced the art of alienation and formlessness.

So much work has been done during the twentieth century that some excellent art will no doubt survive. The art curators and historians of the future will need to understand, however, that the finer works, by such artists as, say, Andrew Wyeth and Norman Rockwell, are not typical or our time. Such works will remain after an enormous amount of art expressing dissonance, angst and the purely esoteric has been forgotten.

Several schools of thought within modern intellectuality have used relativism extensively, including even for debunking purposes, without the schools being considered mere auxiliaries of the Left. Here is a brief review of the major ones:

l.  Positivism.  Auguste Comte is said to be the father of positivism, but John Stuart Mill was correct in saying that "the foundation of M. Comte's philosophy is in no way peculiar to him, but the general property of the age."22

In his book Auguste Comte and Positivism, Mill told how it is that positivism represents an advance in human thought. He said that "the positive explanation of facts has substituted itself, step by step, for the theological and metaphysical."  Mill wrote that "no one, unless entirely ignorant of the history of thought, will deny that the mistaking of abstractions for realities pervaded speculation all through antiquity and the middle ages." To Mill, as to Comte, it was a forward step to base thought on what is experiential. Theology had imputed motive forces from God's volition and metaphysics had imputed them from such abstractions as a Vital Principle. Now, in an empirical age, the human mind had strengthened itself by insisting on forms of knowledge that are more palpably connected to what is demonstrable.

When positivism takes the form of radical empiricism, however, denying the validity of anything except what is strictly observable and experimental, it draws the methodological line in so circumscribed a way that it becomes a destructive reductionism. We have seen this at work in the legal positivism that Hayek referred to, where all abstract rules came under attack. I have also referred to Watson's "behaviorism," which is a form of radical positivism in its denial of the existence of human consciousness.

2. Pragmatism.  Pragmatism stresses the discovery of concrete solutions to immediate problems, and is usually coupled with a denial of the usefulness of long-term theory.

When a politician or a businessman says “I'm a pragmatist,” as Governor George Romney was fond of doing, he usually just means that "I'm a practical problem-solver, not a hazy visionary." He usually means nothing more philosophical about the word "pragmatism" than that.

As a movement in modern thought, though, it has been more seriously intended as a reductionist denial of theory, just as "situation ethics" denies codes or ethics by stressing immediate situations and legal positivism negates broad legal principles.  Accordingly, Krimerman and Perry can speak of "the pragmatist's insistence that  there are no ultimate moral standards, only the transitory values that emerge out of a scientific testing of the needs and interests present in particular situations."23

Modern liberalism in the United States, although not generally classified as part or the Left, has used pragmatism for tactical purposes that are the same as the Left’s. Eric Goldman, in his history of modern liberalism, wrote that "the great attraction or pragmatism lay precisely in the fact that it was a method of doing without the conservative philosophy."24

3. Historicism.  None or the labels placed on these schools carry precise meanings, since authors use the terms in different ways. One meaning of the word "historicism" is to denote the doctrines of the German Historical School, which we have already discussed.  Another is somewhat more all-encompassing and corresponds to Carl Popper's meaning in The Poverty of Historicism.  Popper defines it as "an approach to the social sciences which assumes that historical prediction is their principal aim, and which assumes that this aim is attainable by discovering the 'rhythms' or the 'patterns,' the 'laws' or 'trends' that underlie the evolution of history."25  Popper counts Hegel and Marx as among the leading historicists.

The emphasis within historicism, so defined, is again upon social change, a change that sweeps past the bourgeois phase.

4. Reform Darwinism.  There is extensive discussion of Reform Darwinism in Eric Goldman's Rendezvous with Destiny.  From his discussion, I consider it the same thing as the historicism of the German Historical School, except couched in the language of Darwinian evolutionary theory.  It postulates the "evolution" of society from phase to phase, again moving quickly past the bourgeois phase. In rewording historicism in Darwinian terms, it illustrates as well as anything can how often the same ideas pop up under different names, adapting themselves to what is fashionable at the time.

The name Reform Darwinism is intended to differentiate it from the Social Darwinism of Herbert Spencer. Spencer described individualistic society in evolutionary terms, referring to competition among individuals.

A warning is in order about the labels, however. The term Social Darwinism is often used to apply to all applications of evolutionary terminology to society.  When used in that way, it encompasses both Spencer and his opponents.

There is no use being naive about the Left's relativism, which in its rhetoric eschews values and theory. Much of what the Left has said and done is best understood as tactical, not as a commitment to a permanent outlook.

Rousseau, for example, used relativism radically, as we have seen; but he was able at the same time to embrace a non-relativistic value system of his own. In Emile, he was able to say, despite the relativism he was espousing for education, that "you will everywhere find the same ideas of right and justice; everywhere the same principles of morality, the same ideas of good and evil." 

Michael Harrington has pointed out that the American New Left began with an anti-ideological position, which involves a relativistic negation of theory, but that "in early 1966 some of the Studies on the Left editors had argued that... the initial usefulness and success of their anti-ideological stances have worn thin, and that the need was for the development of a socialist movement."26

This is in keeping with the tactical use of other ideas as well. Jerry Rubin admitted the cynical use of ideas when he boasted that "we always put our demands forward in such an obnoxious manner that the power structure can never satisfy us and remain the power structure. Then we scream, righteously angry, when our demands are not met."27

The insincere use of ideas is only by virtue of circumstances more typical of socialists than of others. People of whatever stripe tend to use most things instrumentally. If socialists use ideas tactically more often than others, it is because their role in modern society has been to stay vigorously on the offensive.

Another point to notice is that many thinkers within the anti-bourgeois ideologies do not use relativistic arguments (other than that of necessarily "standing outside" the main culture). These thinkers tend, in fact, to interpret relativism as a sign of bourgeois decadence. This shows considerable misunderstanding, in my opinion, of the sources of relativism, since it assigns no role to the alienated intellectual.

Harold Laski, the British socialist, showed his disdain for relativism when he said about "pragmatism" that "I should not use the word because I do not believe that wishing can change the multiplication table."28

Adam Ulam has said of Bosanquet that "his main interest is to defend the notion of the community as a moral organism and to disparage the relativism which creeps into social theory."29

The National Socialist Adolf Spemann wrote about a liberal society that "the freedom of discussion appeared more important than any definite idea. But this is precisely the form most often taken by liberalism, out of which ultimately a political, moral, and artistic theory of relativity has emerged."30 This points to a thought I have not previously brought into the discussion: that the very processes of an open society lend themselves to at least the sort of healthy relativism that inheres in modern science. Joseph Schumpeter said the same thing about capitalism when he wrote that "capitalism creates a critical frame of mind which, after having destroyed the moral authority of so many other institutions, in the end turns against its own; the bourgeois finds to his amazement that the rationalist attitude does not stop at the credentials of kings and popes but goes on to attack private property and the whole scheme of bourgeois values."31

We have seen how "modern art" has played a relativistic role in the attack on bourgeois values.  But Rudi Supek tells us that "an extremely ferocious campaign is being waged in some socialist countries today against abstract art as the last, 'most radical,' and most distorted, expression of bourgeois decadency in art."32

NOTES

  1. Jean Jacques Rousseau, Discourse on Inequality (no frontispiece as to publisher or year), pp. 41, 70, 72.
  2. Albert Fried and Ronald Sanders (ed.s), Socialist Thought (Garden City: Anchor books, 1964), p. 19.
  3. Benito Mussolini, My Autobiography (London: Hutchinson & Co., 1939), p. 9.
  4. Werner Sombart, A New Social Philosophy (New York: Greenwood Press. 1969), p.152.
  5. Paul Tillich, Mortality and Beyond (New York: Harper Torchbooks, 1963), p. 43.
  6. Leonard I. Krimerman and Lewis Perry (ed.s), Patterns of Anarchy (Garden City: Doubleday & Company, Inc., 1966), p. 411.
  7. Krimerman and Perry, Patterns, p. 557.
  8. G. D. H. Cole, Labour in the Commonwealth  (London: Headley Bros. Publishers, Ltd., no year given), p. 197.
  9. Leon Trotsky, My Life (New York: Grosset & Dunlap, 1960), p. 429.
  10. Henry May, The Discontent of the Intellectuals:  A Problem of the Twenties (Chicago: Rand McNally & Company, 1963), p. 23.
  11. Stefan Possony (ed.), The Lenin Reader (Chicago: Henry Regnery Co., 1966), pp. 64, 91.
  12. Lewis S. Feuer, Marx and the Intellectuals (Garden City: Anchor Books, 1969), p. 154.
  13. Article by Irving Fetscher, “Marx’s Concretization of the Concept of Freedom,” Socialist Humanism, Erich Fromm (ed.) (Garden City: Anchor books, 1965), p. 263.
  14. Article by Ernst Bloch, “Man and Citizen According to Marx,” Socialist Humanism, Erich Fromm (ed.), (Garden City: Anchor Books, 1965), p. 222.
  15. Michael Harrington, Socialism (New York:  Saturday Review Press, 1970), pp. 89, 90.
  16. F. A. Hayek, The Constitution of Liberty (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1960), pp. 235-239.
  17. George L. Mosse, Nazi Culture (New York: Grosset and Dunlap, 1966), pp. 325, 326.
  18. Mosse, Nazi Culture, p. 330.
  19. Jean Jacques Rousseau, Emile (New York: J. M. Dent & Sons, Ltd., 1911), pp. 10, 9, 251.
  20. Krimerman and Perry, Patterns, p. 417.
  21. Kenneth Coutts-Smith, Dada (New York:  E. P. Dutton and Co., Inc., 1970), p. 23.
  22. John Stuart Mill, Auguste Comte and Positivism (Ann Arbor:  University of Michigan Press, 1961), pp. 8, 16.
  23. Krimerman and Perry, Patterns, p. 558.
  24. Eric F. Goldman, Rendezvous With Destiny (New York: Vintage Books, no year given), p. 123.
  25. Karl R. Popper, The Poverty of Historicism (New York: Harper Torchbooks, 1961), p.3.
  26. John H. M. Laslett and Seymour Martin Lipset (ed.s), Failure of a Dream?  Essays in the History of American Socialism (Garden City: Anchor Press, 1974), p. 705.
  27. Jerry Rubin, Do It!  (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1970), p. 125.
  28. Mark DeWolfe Howe (ed.), Holmes-Laski Letters (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1953), p. 75.
  29. Adam B. Ulam, Philosophical Foundations of English Socialism (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1951), p. 51.
  30. Mosse, Nazi Culture, p. 159.
  31. Joseph A. Schumpeter, Capitalism, Socialism, and Democracy, 2d ed. (New York: Harper and Brothers Publishers, 1947), p. 143.
  32. Article by Rudi Supek, “Freedom and Polydeterminism in Cultural Criticism,” Socialist Humanism, Erich Fromm (ed.) (Garden City: Anchor Books, 1965), p. 295.