[This is Chapter Fifteen of Murphey’s book Socialist Thought.]

 

 

Chapter 15

 

THE COLLECTIVIST PERSPECTIVE

            A socialist, regardless of what kind of socialist he is, will hardly admit that he does not want to take the individual's interests into account.  Rather, he will believe that what he wants is for society to serve those interests "in the best long-term sense, without dropping the social context and understanding the individual's interests as mixed inextricably with those of the group."

            This perspective was well-stated by the British socialist R. H. Tawney when he wrote in The Acquisitive Society that "to say that the end of social institutions is happiness, is to say that they have no common end at all. For happiness is individual, and to make happiness the object of society is to resolve society itself into the ambitions of numberless individuals, each directed towards the attainment of some personal purpose."l

This outlook is markedly different from the classical liberal’s, whose efforts toward creating a social and institutional framework are geared toward establishing a setting for the widest possible range of individual choice. With him, the goal is to allow the individual to pursue his own "personal purposes.”  This is the objective even though many civilizing constraints are needed as social cements to make it a functioning  system.

            The collectivist, group-oriented perspective has both affirmative and negative sides.  It affirms the value of the group; it also denies the workability or value of a market system based on individual interaction.

            This latter point appears consistently in socialist writing of all types. Thus George Mosse could observe about the Nazi leader Goebbels that to him the term "bourgeois" is "not a class term, but rather a label for the older generation still imprisoned by liberalism and held enthralled by the lure of Mammon." Goebbels himself wrote that

"I hate Mammon. It breeds sloth and satiated rest.   It poisons our values and subjects us to the service of low and base instincts... In its deepest sense, liberalism is the philosophy of money.  Liberalism means: I believe in Mammon.  Socialism means: I believe in work."2

            This is, of course, a thorough-going repudiation of the market economy and of the individual autonomy it expresses.  The same thing is reflected in Frederick Engels' statement that "this isolation of the individual, this narrow self-seeking is the fundamental principle of our society everywhere."3   In his utopian novel Looking Backward, the late-nineteenth century American socialist Edward Bellamy wrote that in the socialist society of the future "buying and selling is considered absolutely inconsistent with the mutual benevolence and disinterestedness which should prevail between citizens."4 These examples appear constantly in socialist writing.

            In place of individual autonomy, the socialist wants each person to find his destiny within the cohesive unity of the constituency -- nation, class, race or whatever -- that the particular socialist predicates as the basis for the society he prefers.  Werner Sombart quoted with favor the Nazi party motto, "Common interest precedes self-interest."  He explained that German professors "had long ago (produced) a formula in construing Socialism as a 'social principle.'"  This was "that the community shall be the highest aim, the individual serving only as a means to its ends."  He contrasted this with the "individual principle" which holds "that the individual should be the highest aim, the social organization serving as a means to his end."   Sombart quoted Wilhelm Fanderl to the effect that "Socialism was and is for the German National Socialist Party clearly and unequivocally the doctrine of the popular community, of comradeship, of the union of all, of the willingness and readiness of each individual to stake all for the cornmunity."5

            This is a fundamental socialist conception.  In his City of the Sun, the seventeenth century utopian author Campanella wrote that "when we have taken away self-love, there remains only love for the state."6  Hegel was able to speak of "the individual, whose supreme duty is to be a member of the state."  He said that "since the state is mind objectified, it is only as one of its members that the individual himself has objectivity, genuine individuality, and an ethical life... The individual's destiny is the living of a universal life."7  This was in keeping with Rousseau's dictum in The Social Contract: "Each of us places in common his person and all his power under the supreme direction of the general will; and as one body we all receive each member as an indivisible part of the whole."8   In an article on "Marx’s Ideal of Man," Polish professor Marek Fritzhand as written that Marx's "model-man... prizes his freedom and autonomy -- not a freedom and autonomy outside society, outside the human community, but with people."9

            The larger community requires direction, however; and here we see still other parts of the collectivist perspective. The intellectual quite sincerely and without self-consciousness that he is advocating something that is not completely normal and useful wants to substitute his judgment for the judgments of the individuals within the society.  He wants to "rationalize" the processes of the society, to render them the subjects of scientific control.  This involves shuffling the pieces from place to place and determining the goals toward which all the pieces are to move.  To the socialist, this is no more than a sensible application of reason to society.  Anything less seems to him nonsensical, a waste, a forfeiture of worthwhile mental control.  To the classical liberal, on the other hand, it demonstrates an utter lack of humility on the part of the planner, who posits that the mass of mankind is basically inert but that he himself is fitted to "play God" in the directing of society.  This is the way Frederic Bastiat characterized the socialists of his day.  He wrote that they "assume that people are inert matter, passive particles, motionless atoms... They assume that people are susceptible to being shaped into an infinite variety of forms, more or less symmetrical, artistic and perfected."10  From the point of view of the Burkean conservative, the planner's mentality is a manifestation of the "hubris" of secular man, who presumes through various forms of "gnosticism" to attain salvation during this life.

            The perspective of the comprehensive planner is so commonplace today that it seems arbitrary to illustrate it by referring to specific authors.  Certainly one source that will give a good feel for it is George Bernard Shaw’s book The Intelligent Woman's Guide to Socialism and Capitalism.  The whole methodology used by Shaw, and pressed upon his readers by him as though questioning it would be unthinkable, was one of re-ordering things at will.  It was as though all the productivity of the country were his own to parcel out in whatever way he considered best: "Everybody knows now that Socialism is a proposal to divide-up the income of the country in a new way... (You should) make up your mind how you would like to see the income in your country divided... up day to day."11

            Many democratic socialists (and liberals in the twentieth-century American usage of that term) have opted to allow considerable market processes to continue.  They then seek to gain their social objectives by acting upon the market in pivotal ways, channelling its allocation of resources and redistributing its output.  Necessarily there is a substantial "gray area" in which it is difficult to draw the line between measures that are consistent with a classical liberal’s desire to "establish the framework for a healthy market" and socialist measures that go beyond that.  Rick Rolman, writing in Dissent, has mentioned "'market socialism' (which combines) socialized ownership of large business organizations with extensive use of market mechanisms, under government regulation."12

            The planner’s perspective is natural to anyone who is not warned away from it by a fear of government and by a reverence for natural processes.  Without those ingredients, the application of foresight to social processes is virtually taken for granted as worthwhile.  This helps explain the hold such as orientation has had upon the imagination of social scientists, teachers and other thoughtful people within our society in the twentieth century.

 

NOTES

 

  1. R. H. Tawney, The Acquisitive Society (New York: Harcourt, Brace & World, Inc., 1948), p. 29.
  2. George L. Mosse, Nazi Culture (New York: Grosset and Dunlap, 1966), pp. 94, 109-110.
  3. Frederick Engels, The Condition of Working-Class in England in 1844 (London: George Allen and Unwin Ltd, 1952), p. 24.
  4. Edward Bellamy, Looking Backward (New York: Modern Library, 1942), p. 69.
  5. Werner Sombart, A New Social Philosophy (New York: Greenwood Press, 1969), pp. 50, 51.
  6. Famous Utopias (New York: Tudor Publishing Co., no year given), p. 282.
  7. T. M. Knox, Hegel’s Philosophy of Right (London: Oxford University Press, 1942), p. 156.
  8. Jean Jacques Rousseau, The Social Contract (New York: Hafner Publishing Company, 1951), p. 15.
  9. Article by Marek Fritzhand, “Marx’s Ideal of Man,” Socialist Humanism, Erich Fromm (ed.) (Garden city:  Anchor Books, 1965), p. 173.
  10. Frederic Bastiat, The Law (Irvington-on-Hudson: Foundation for Economic Education, Inc., 1964), pp. 33, 34.
  11. George Bernard Shaw, The Intelligent Woman’s Guide to Socialism and Capitalism (New York: Brentano’s Publishers, 1928), pp. 6, 11.
  12. Article by Rick Tilman, Dissent, Winter, 1979, p. 74.