[This is Chapter 14 of Murphey’s book Understanding the Modern Predicament.]

 

 

Chapter Fourteen

 

THE RUSSIAN NIHILIST

 

            The history of Russia during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries is both fascinating and instructive. In part, the fascination comes from the colorful texture of that distinctively Russian culture, which was to us half familiar in its European flavor and yet half remote and exotic. But, too, the fascination is the product of our hindsight. There is an element of foreboding. We know that Old Russia was a society pregnant with the monstrous fetus of Soviet totalitarianism -- which was born eventually out of the society's chaos and weakness.

The instruction consists, at least for my purposes in light of the themes I have been stressing, of two major points. First, those years demonstrate -- perhaps better than any other example we might give -- the impact and destructiveness of the alienated European intellectuality when it was exported from Europe to the other peoples of the world. And second, they illustrate the dependency and weakness of the emerging peoples of the non-Western world. When Europe ceased to lead constructively, Russia offered no viable alternative of its own. Instead, it allowed itself to be seduced and eventually overwhelmed by the most brutal illusions emanating from the alienation.

So that we can see these things in the context of the specific history, I will want to review the events after 1800. It is a history that most Americans know only vaguely.

The reign of Tsar Alexander I began in 1800 and ended in 1825. Although as a young man he was tutored in the liberal ideas of the Enlightenment by La Harpe, his liberalism later became mixed with the mysticism that was so prominent a part of the Romantic reaction that followed the Napoleonic wars. Accordingly, it was mysticism rather than liberalism that dominated his later years. He delegated much of his power to an autocrat, Arakcheyev, whose approach was just the opposite of La Harpe's. As late as 1812 Alexander had appeared  the enlightened savior of Europe. He had seemed a man of advanced ideas who represented positive forces after the Napoleonic bloodbath. But he soon gave the liberals within the Russian nobility and army reason to become disillusioned with him and with the principle of Tsarist autocracy. The liberals began to form secret societies; Murayov drafted a constitution based on the Constitution of the United States; Pestel began urging revolution and wanted a dictatorship that would clear the way for an egalitarian republic. They planned a revolt for the spring of 1826.

As luck would have it, though, Alexander's death in December, 1825, triggered the revolt prematurely. The "Decembrist" uprising proved ineffectual -- and resulted in the execution or exile of its leaders. The Tsarist regime continued, with Nicholas I taking Alexander's place.

For his part, Nicholas, was firmly committed to autocracy. During his reign, which continued until 1855, he used his powers to restrict the nobility and repress education and innovation. But this wasn't enough to stem the intellectual ferment that was occurring underneath the surface of Russian life and that was producing an "intelligentsia" that was no longer drawn just from the army and the gentry. This intelligentsia became, eventually, the most important fact in Russian history. Its members listened thirstily to the revolutionary ideas emanating from Europe, ideas that were by this time not simply anti-monarchical and anti-feudal, but that were profoundly alienated from the bourgeoisie and from liberalism itself. Herzen yearned for socialism through peasant communes; Belinsky was a Christian socialist; Petrashevsky wanted a Fourier-type socialism. It is interesting that the magnificent literary figure Dostoyevsky began as a member of the Petrashevsky circle, even though he later turned to other ideas that were Christian but not socialist.

Alexander II -- the next Tsar -- is described as having been of mixed character; he was at once gentle, indulgent, humane, sentimental, peevish, indolent and lacking in conviction.1 His initial impulse was toward a liberal program sponsored by the monarchy, an impulse he probably received from the humanitarian education given him by Zhukovsky. He rejected the idea of a national representative assembly, at least partly because he feared it would be controlled by landowners; but in several areas he took major liberalizing steps. Perhaps most importantly, he declared the emancipation of the serfs in 1861. His judicial reforms in 1864 sought to establish the "rule of law." In 1863, his university reforms permitted universities to elect their own councils, rectors and deans (although the Minister of Education retained a veto). In the armed services, he replaced the barbarous twenty-five-year recruitment of peasants with universal conscription; and he began efforts to educate the soldiers. And in 1864 he established local representative government through elective bodies known as the zemstva.

These were major steps forward, at least from the point of view of anyone who was receptive to a peaceable reform of Russian autocracy. Needless to say, the reforms didn't carry Russia fully into participative democracy; but they were significant beginnings. The Emancipation, for example, had imperfections; but it would have been enormously meaningful even if it had been no more than a formal change in the serfs' legal status.

The important point, however, is that the alienated intelligentsia were intractable. The reforms weren't well received; the intelligentsia viewed gradual improvement with contempt. Alexander's reward was intense criticism -- and assassination. He was killed by a bomb in 1881 after several unsuccessful attempts. His last words were: "They hunt me like a mad dog."

This reaction struck a severe blow at the process of gradual reform. After his initial “Epoch of Great Reforms,” Alexander himself drifted from the process, probably in large measure because of the response he received. He was, however, planning further reforms during the year before his death. The next Tsar, Alexander III, was unsympathetic to reform, and earned himself the reputation of "the last true autocrat of the Romanov dynasty."2

It is often overlooked, by those who seek at least some extenuation of the later Soviet tyranny on the ground that Tsarist Russia had been so intolerable, that a constitutional monarchy did in fact come into being as a result of the revolution of 1905. But, again, although this reform satisfied most liberals, the intelligentsia remained adamantly committed both to socialism and to terrorism. They continued their efforts and in 1917 waged what was from the first an essentially leftist revolution. The moderate socialist Kerensky held power for a few months, but even he was unacceptable; he was overthrown by Lenin.

I would suppose it is not unworthy as a parenthesis at the end of this history to add that the Socialist Revolutionaries and even most of the original Bolsheviks were put to death within a few years by the totalitarian state they helped create.

 

The liberals’ limitation.  Probably the greatest significance of the liberal movement, as distinguished from the socialist, during those twelve decades is found in its limitations. The Decembrists had themselves been ideologically split. After the liberals were defeated in that uprising, they did not become a major element in the intelligentsia as it emerged. The intelligentsia was increasingly radical. Liberals were found mainly in the nobility, the zemstva and in a small circle of writers and newspaper editors. Their position was in the middle, melioristic and benevolent, seeking the improvement of existing institutions. Primarily, they were anxious to support the Tsar in reforms whenever he would take the lead. Their goal was the gradual development of a constitutional legal order -- and, if possible, they hoped this would incorporate certain peculiarly Russian elements. In the 1860s they wanted a central representative assembly that would be based on the zemskii sober of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries rather than on the model of a Western- style parliament. In common with a great many liberals on the continent of Europe, they associated reform with an enlightened monarchy. But in the context of the leftward tendency of most intellectuals and of the absence of a viable middle class, the liberals weren't able to give the predominant leadership. Russian history accordingly offers an excellent example of the “brain drain” toward alienation that was depriving classical liberalism of its dynamic thrust at the very time it needed it most.

The intelligentsia. The subculture that we know as the "intelligentsia" began to form at Moscow University during the 1830s. As the preceding history has made clear, its creed was not liberalism, but alienation and utopian socialism. The socialisms of Fourier and Saint-Simon, the ideals of the French Revolution and the philosophies of Hegel and Feuerbach -- all of these and more, imported from Europe, received lively interest.

Alexander Herzen was the leading intellectual of that early period. As time went on, the subculture became increasingly removed from the liberals of the Decembrist period. In Sons Against Fathers, Lampert makes the point that “the intelligentsia was no longer what it had been in 1825 or 1835. It differed in mood, in conviction, in social status and composition. It still included a few army officers and a few members of the gentry, but they had been largely displaced or absorbed by the raznochintsy, the declasses of Russian society." They were "most of all teachers, students, and scribblers of every sort,” according to a secret report at the time. As of a still later time, Hugh Seton-Watson has given some interesting statistics about the make-up of the intelligentsia. He says that "of all (the revolutionaries) condemned to prison or administratively exiled between 1873 and 1877, 279 were children of noble parents, 117 of non-noble officials, 197 of priests, 33 of merchants, 68 of Jews, 92 of meshchane, and 138 of peasants. The last two categories refer to the legal status rather than the actual occupation, and it may be assumed that these were in fact children of city workers. The large number of children of priests is particularly striking."3

By mid-century, there was considerable intellectual ferment in Russia. We know, of course, that the "Golden Age" of their literature -- consisting of the writings of such men as Tolstoy, Dostoyevsky, Pushkin, Chekov and Turgenev -- continued into the 1870s.

The first small groups of revolutionaries began to form in the early 1860s. This was the decade of the "nihilists" -- as they were called by Turgenev. Because the label is somewhat deceptive, it is worth noting Robert Payne's description of them in The Terrorists: "They possessed no philosophy except their simple faith in science and their repudiation of existing conventions, and while attempting to create a morality of their own, they were trapped into an extreme form of asceticism which could have no popular appeal. Turgenev gave them the name 'nihilists,' but he did not mean that they believed in nothing; he meant that they believed in the destruction of the existing state."4 Historians frequently comment on their similarity to the Puritans, at least in single-mindedness and moral fervor. They were also in the tradition of Savonarola; more than austere virtue was involved -- there was also extreme militancy. They had that icy moral fury that has sometimes typified the more saintly intellectuals in Western civilization, personifying a fanaticism imbued with piety that has subordinated all other values to its own point of concentrated focus. Such a temperament has occurred several times historically and has to be understood if certain periods in the history of Western society are to be understood.

Despite the fact that many of them were atheists, the movement had a good deal in common with the religious mysticism that was widespread in Russia. At mid-century, there were as many as ten million "religious dissenters" in Russia. "Some of them," Lampert says, "were attracted by visions of a better and freer life or by the teachings of messianic prophets, or by the wild emotional indulgences of the khlysty (flaggelants) and the manichaean skoptsy (castrates); others were sober evangelicals." It isn't surprising, then, that the nihilists drew heavily from the children of priests. Even though the child was outwardly very different from the parent, the inner spiritual base was similar. The child had lost his specific religious base, but had gained a secular one; his fervor continued. Two of the leading nihilists, Chernyshevsky and Dobrolyubov, were the children of Orthodox priests.

Socialism was yet another ingredient, combining with the atheism and the opposition to prevailing values. Chernyshevsky was a socialist before he was a revolutionary. Dobrolyubov held to an uncompromising socialist ideology even though he repudiated all fixed moral law; and although he died quite young -- at age twenty-five -- he is thought to have been the person who inspired Turgenev to use the label "nihilist." Tkachyov sought "a new socialist order." And although Nechayev possessed only a hazy vision of the type of society he wanted, he essentially shared the anarchism and socialism of his mentor Bakunin. He was the author of The Revolutionary Catechism, in which he proclaimed that "the revolutionary lives in this world only because he has faith in its speedy and total destruction."5

There was a period during which the intelligentsia sought wide support from the peasants. "Populism" held center stage in the 1870s, and consisted of a program for agrarian socialism. We can imagine the scene in 1874 as described by Richard Freeborn: "Dressed in peasant clothes and carrying socialist tracts, about 3,000 young members of the intelligentsia, mostly students, left the universities and urban centers in order to live and work among the peasants." The upshot, however, was that the peasants proved quite conservative, contrary to Bakunin's expectations. They were not the "dry tinder of revolution"," Freeborn says, that the intelligentsia hoped they would be. In effect, this was a lesson that a Marx, but not a Mao, could understand: that the revolution could not rely on the peasants.

The violent revolutionary activity suffered a lull because of police activity after the attempted assassination of Alexander II in 1866, but it gradually revived. The Socialist Revolutionary Party mixed Populist Agrarian socialism with terrorism. A group called "The People's Will" concentrated on killing the Tsar. It succeeded in 1881 after several attempts.

By the end of the nineteenth century, Marx began to dominate socialist ideology in Europe. His influence began to be felt in Russia {and here again we see the exportation of ideas from Europe) in the 1880s. This led to theoretical arguments among the various types of socialists: the Populists wanted to rely on peasant communes as the basis for socialism, while the Marxists argued that the "dialectic of history" required that Russia could not attain socialism until it had first passed through the capitalist phase. Plekhanov, the leading Marxist, learned the new creed while he was in exile. Maxim Gorky was among the many later Marxists. He supported the Bolsheviks and created the literary form known as Socialist Realism.

There were four main political movements in Russia during the decade that preceded the revolution of 1905: liberalism; a revived Populism; nationalism for the non-Russian peoples; and Marxism, which by this time had become a separate movement. The Left was torn by serious factional disputes based on the intricacies of Marxist theory; e.g., in 1905 the Mensheviks supported the more orthodox Marxist view that a bourgeois, liberal revolution should occur first, to be followed later by a proletarian revolution that would bypass the bourgeois phase.

The revolution of 1905 did in fact create a constitutional, liberal regime; and although the Tsar was not deposed, a national parliament, the Duma, was established. But it is noteworthy that this moderate solution suffered much the same fate that the early phase of the French Revolution had suffered: the Duma became increasingly dominated by the radicals, and revolutionary activity escalated. By now, the universities had been granted autonomy -- and they became centers for revolution. The Socialist Revolutionaries began a series of executions through their "combat organization." The Left, with its hierarchy of values that placed great weight on its utopian goals and thoroughly devalued everything else in the society, was plainly unwilling to accept a liberalized Russia.

 

Social changes. Important social changes were taking place during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Not counting Finland, the population of the Russian Empire rose from 74 million in 1860 to 133 million in 1900 (although a small part of the increase was due to some minor annexations). This enormous burgeoning of population means, in effect, that the "revolt of the masses," in the sense that Jose Ortega y Gasset later wrote of it, was occurring in Russia just as it was in Europe and America.

Russia was still an exceedingly backward country. Freeborn says that "except for a small proportion of kulaks and bigger, more progressive, landowners, the average peasant farmer was abysmally ignorant and inefficient." Agriculture, he says, was done almost entirely with manual labor. In 1913 there were only 166 tractors in all of Russia, despite its huge land mass. Nevertheless, the beginnings of industrialization doubled the Russian output between 1893 and 1900; the urban population doubled during the second half of the nineteenth century. One consequence of even this rudimentary movement toward an urban, industrial society was, according to Freeborn, that an urban proletariat began to emerge that was much more revolutionary than the peasantry.

 

 

Some Significant Voids

The events that actually occur in a society and that catch the eye of historians are only part of the story. Sometimes the events themselves are void-filling makeshifts. If we seek an interpretive understanding, we need to appreciate the factors that were missing from the society -- the voids. As we look back on Russian history with the hindsight that we now enjoy, we can see that the positive factors were weak and the negative ones strong.

The intellectual void. The "Golden Age of Russian Literature" produced some of the world's enduring writing, but even within it we can see a profound intellectual void. Tolstoy was the giant -- but do we have grounds for thinking that his writings included clear and civilizationally satisfactory concepts about political philosophy, economics and jurisprudence? He was essentially a lost soul even though his magnificent fatalism and spiritual yearning provoked the most creative genius. His lostness was especially apparent during the last years of his life when he renounced literature and turned to mysticism. It stands out, too, in his most monumental works, War and Peace and Anna Karenina. But if we were to find balanced reason anywhere among the Russian authors it would mainly have to have been with Tolstoy. We could hardly expect clear leadership to have come from the delightfully warped Dostoyevsky, whose novels were works of art giving flesh to the Russian torment of spirit and intellect.

There is no difficulty in seeing how the tormented, mystical mentality could relate to utopianism. A mystic may easily forsake the day-to-day tedium of ordinary life for a distant panacea. This in itself will reinforce a tendency that I have already commented upon about the alienation of the intellectual: the propensity to place an extremely high value upon a utopian goal and to devalue everything else. Visionaries rarely appreciate that a civilization requires a balance of values. Their distortion of values comes at terrible expense.

Such a mentality arrogates all claims to piety, morality, compassion and Godliness. It deserves credit for its sincerity, but we should fault it for usurping man's common morality by its incomparable presumptuousness. The success of this moral stake-out is in part due to the failure of sounder, more balanced, men to express an ethic that can serve as an alternative to such claims. The effectiveness of the militant intellectual as an agitator is enhanced by the acting man's passive acceptance of the moral code offered by that intellectual. One of the major insights Ayn Rand has stressed has been that productive men often fail to proclaim an ethical philosophy that is consistent with their own values. By this default they leave themselves open to be victimized by the insistent claims of the alienates who champion the worldview of the have-nots.

Reflection of the European void. Because of the Russians' absorption of European intellectual modes, Russian thought in the nineteenth century embraced as its own the void that existed in Europe and America. Most of the ideas adopted by the intelligentsia were from alienated European thought; some were from America. To an American, it is surprising to notice how little influence the American example had; the liberal Murayov drafted his constitution based on the United States', but America's influence was minor compared with Europe's. The ideas of most of the intelligentsia after mid-century were socialist. And European thought gave the Russian intellectual a complete mental inventory: socialism was combined with positivism, relativism, utopianism and alienation in the nihilist mind.

But European socialism didn't provide a constructive philosophy. The bleak horrors of the Soviet Union are not surprising; they stem from a philosophy and a system that makes coercion an instrument of social religion. The Russian nihilist imbibed the worst features of Western civilization's existential crisis.

Russia’s own intellectual void. The blame, though, isn't all Europe's. Russia obviously suffered from its own intellectual void. If there had been a consensus truly fitted to Russia the Russian intellectuals would not have run so naively to Europe for their ideas.

The lack of a democratic tradition deprived all Russians, including the intellectuals, of a chance to gain experience in real life. Without his "feet on the ground," a person who cares deeply about humanity will tend to become a dreamer. This immaturity is at least part of what we mean when we say that a people is not prepared to govern itself.

One important effect is that the society loses the benefits that could come from on-going intellectual participation. Such a drain of intellect occurred in America, and in Russia it was a contributing factor in the decadence of the Tsarist regime. This is not to suggest that other aspects of Russian life did not also contribute to the internal weakness. Each of three wars had a telling effect: the Crimean, the Russo-Japanese and World War I. It is no coincidence that the revolutions of 1905 and 1917 each came in the wake of military disaster.

Lack of a viable middle class. There was no large human base, such as a middle class, which would support a free society on the American model. The peasantry's "conservatism" amounted almost entirely of their not being revolutionary. As people who had just recently emerged from serfdom, they weren't a sufficient base if freedom and democracy were to be achieved. In another connection, Wilhelm Ropke has written about how essential it is that there be a "middle class properly so called, that is, an independent class possessed of small or moderate property and income, a sense of responsibility, and those civic virtues without which a free and well-ordered society cannot, in the long run, survive."6

The Russian example suggests a strong analogy to the more recent situation of the so-called "Third World" countries. In the absence of a sound intellectuality and a broad middle class, there is no viable “middle.” The wealthy and the privileged stand on one side and multitudes of people who are not yet ready for self-government stand on the other. In most such situations, a movement toward a free society has to come from the top. But this can prove chimerical if there isn't a sufficient human base -- and if an alienated intellectuality won't permit it. Yet at the same time, the rapid change and rising expectations taking place within all societies during the past century have made a slow preparation seem intolerable.

Human weakness. The combination of factors I have just mentioned -- an immature, alienated intelligentsia, growing multitudes of ill-prepared people (or in advanced societies a spoiled, shallow and rootless public) -- means, in effect, a rise of internal barbarism. In such a context, civilized values become problematical. In light of the history we have just reviewed, Russia stands as an apt symbol for the crisis within Western civilization and, because of an unfortunate causal connection, within the rest of the world.

 

NOTES

1. E. Lampert, Sons Against Fathers (London: Oxford at the Clarendon Press, 1965), pp. 2, 85, 70.

 

2. Richard Freeborn, A Short History of Modern Russia (New York: William Morrow & Company, Inc., 1966), pp. 123, 112, 130, 160, 130, 133.

 

3. Hugh Seton-Watson, The Russian Empire, 1801-1917 (London: Oxford at the Clarendon Press, 1967), p. 423.

 

4. Robert Payne, The Terrorists (New York: Funk & Wagnalls Company, 1957), p. XV.

 

5. Nechayev is described in Payne's The Terrorists, pp. 3-130. His "The Revolutionary Catechism" is published in full there at pp. 21-27.

 

6. Wilhelm Ropke, A Humane Economy (Chicago: Henry Regnery Company, 1960), p. 32.